Dr. Jonathan Lin
Taiwan Foundation for Democracy
No.4, Alley 17, Lane 147, Sec. 3, Sinyi Rd., Taipei 106, Taiwan
cc: Scholars at Risk, etc.
25 December 2011
Dear Dr. Lin,
For nearly two and a half years National Cheng Kung University president, Kao Chiang, defied a Ministry of Education ruling that overturned my illegal dismissal.
NCKU officials still refuse to remedy, or apologize for, human rights violations. Current president Hwung-Hweng Hwung defiantly whitewashed my illegal dismissal as a "discontinued employment," while his secretariat, Chin-Cheng Chen, repeated false accusations against me as facts (http://news-en.secr.ncku.edu.tw/files/13-1083-78482-1.php; cf. http://rdca45b.blogspot.com/2011/12/4-december-2011-dear-ncku-colleagues-on.html).
Yet the MOE said NCKU "seriously influenced" my "rights" (April 6, 2001), made "improper procedures" (June 14, 2001), and "repeatedly and deviously" interpreted the law (August 17, 2001) (https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiCDpwd8lE2WN5jzfNAvBIP4GTM_j6jC3yuA4Gq2IbLlxGTsQ_9s6MDqEK596XXZLrnI7cADZW_L5Fa-TC5LVbKzkMRjdIsrkpXSmu-6_WTYyShiY91YQ0_pMc860OoEu3GSD8WntXOLdM/s1600/moeLetters10-726356.JPG). Taiwan's Higher Court ruled the dismissal "was not lawful" (16 January 2007) and Tainan's District Court concluded NCKU "violated the law" and the dismissal was "full of wrongdoings" (7 April 2007). (https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiXxA5YqRLRetz1pBDey7do5HdnYdxaDyN52qzQgY1EuF3ezBeq7njDsPF__FbzhHrUtjdU6BeFIomZEnt2R5eOS5Yudr4efrAkudYcpOvGkLzK3KJwuY06Z7WGLbRPr_My38GH_6y1FAQ/s1600/courtRulingsUnderlined.JPG.)
Yet no one was punished. The right to sue government officials is legal show without retribution and compensation.
Tainan's prosecutor dismissed my libel complaint against review members on the claim accusations did not circulate outside the university. But all statutes I know say a falsehood is actionable if one other person reads or hears it.
A student who made defamatory accusations was not punished, on the claim her letter did not cause my dismissal. But it was solicited and secretly circulated at university committees for that purpose.
Though the university defiantly violated laws and interrupted my career for four years, courts issued no penalties or punitive and compensatory damages, routine in other democracies. They just told NCKU to reinstate me, like telling a kidnapper to return the child or a robber to return money, with no penalty.
Taiwan inculturates Western values to suit its ways. It permits the right to sue officials, but prevents punishment of those officials. This is "please and tease" politics, giving with one hand and taking with the other.
Showcasing human rights is not the same as enforcing them. No Taiwan rights group has helped me. Yet the case involves human rights issues at all levels of Taiwan society, including judicial equity, media censorship, and academic integrity.
The fact that NCKU officials and committees defy laws and legal rulings with the toleration of faculty undermines confidence in the university's oversight enforcement, thus the integrity of its grading, promotion, and research.
Awarding honorary degrees is meaningless if a university is itself without honor.
Sincerely,
Richard de Canio
Formerly, Associate Professor
Department of Foreign Languages and Literature
National Cheng Kung University
Tainan, Taiwan
This blog exposes human rights violations committed by National Cheng Kung University in Tainan, Taiwan. Documents are in English and Chinese.
Sunday, December 25, 2011
Friday, December 23, 2011
Letter to Green Island Human Rights Memorial Staff
Green Island Human Rights Memorial Park Staff
23 December 2011
Memorializing human rights abuses in the past is commendable but is no substitute for enforcing human rights in the present.
In 1999, I was illegally dismissed from the Department of Foreign Languages and Literature (FLLD) at National Cheng Kung University (NCKU) in Tainan, Taiwan. The appeal process was a ruse to delay the case, against appellate rights, since the university later claimed I had no right to appeal, though it held numerous appeal hearings and participated at one at the Ministry of Education in Taipei. Thus the university not only defied human rights principles but even principles of fair play that schoolchildren are taught at a young age.
After I won an appeal in a Ministry of Education (MOE) ruling dated 8 January 2001, university president, Kao Chiang, defied it for nearly two and a half years. Yet he was approved by the MOE for another three-year term.
Emboldened, subsequent NCKU presidents have refused to remedy, or apologize for, human rights violations. Instead, in March and May of this year (2011), on NCKU's official web page (http://news-en.secr.ncku.edu.tw/files/13-1083-78482-1.php), current president Hwung-Hweng Hwung whitewashed my illegal dismissal as a "discontinued employment" (http://rdca45b.blogspot.com/ ).
Mr. Hwung asserts "Legal procedures were carefully observed." Yet the MOE warned that NCKU "seriously influenced the appellant's rights" (April 6, 2001), made "previous improper procedures" (June 14, 2001), and cautioned NCKU officials "not to repeatedly and deviously interpret the law" (August 17, 2001) (https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiCDpwd8lE2WN5jzfNAvBIP4GTM_j6jC3yuA4Gq2IbLlxGTsQ_9s6MDqEK596XXZLrnI7cADZW_L5Fa-TC5LVbKzkMRjdIsrkpXSmu-6_WTYyShiY91YQ0_pMc860OoEu3GSD8WntXOLdM/s1600/moeLetters10-726356.JPG). Taiwan's Higher Court similarly ruled the dismissal "was not lawful" (16 January 2007). Tainan's District Court ruled NCKU "violated the law" and the dismissal was "definitely full of wrongdoings" (7 April 2007).
So why doesn't National Cheng Kung University, presumably the fourth-ranked in Taiwan, and with numerous academic exchanges with US universities, admit wrongdoing, hold its officials accountable, and insure compensation instead of whitewashing the illegal dismissal as "discontinued employment"?
I should add that on that same page (http://news-en.secr.ncku.edu.tw/files/13-1083-78482-1.php) current Secretariat, Chin-Cheng Chen, goes beyond whitewashing the university's illegal actions and actually inculpates me in the university's illegal dismissal, as if legal rulings, by the Ministry of Education as well as Taiwan's courts (attached), have no material effect.
Are there laws in Taiwan, or sanctions by the Ministry of Education, that prevent this kind of equivocal, and even defamatory, language by university officials to protect the rights of "foreign" faculty and insure their reputation and dignity in Taiwan? US laws protect Taiwan faculty and students; why doesn't Taiwan's government honor universal principles of human rights in the same way?
Richard de Canio
formerly, Associate Professor
Department of Foreign Languages and Literature
National Cheng Kung University
Tainan, Taiwan
Monday, December 12, 2011
Dr. Jonathan Lin
Taiwan Foundation for Democracy
No.4, Alley 17, Lane 147, Sec. 3, Sinyi Rd., Taipei 106, Taiwan
Professor Dennis Hickey
Department of Political Science
Missouri State University
901 South National Avenue
Springfield, MO 65897
Tsai Ing-wen
Taiwan Presidential Candidate
Scholars at Risk
New York, N.Y.
12 December 2011
Dear Dr. Jonathan Lin,
In June 1999, based on defamatory accusations, I was dismissed from the Department of Foreign Languages and Literature (FLLD) at National Cheng Kung University (NCKU) in Tainan, Taiwan. The appeal process was a ruse to delay the case indefinitely, against appellate rights.
After I won an appeal in a Ministry of Education (MOE) ruling dated 8 January 2001 (attached), the university defied it for nearly two and a half years. The MOE's warning letters (attached) forced the university to reinstate me in May 2003, but it held punitive hearings against me, as if MOE's ruling had no legal effect. The MOE declared the hearings illegal.
Though NCKU president Kao Chiang defied an MOE ruling, he was approved by the MOE for another three-year term. Emboldened, subsequent NCKU presidents have refused to remedy, or apologize for, human rights violations.
Instead, in March and May of this year, on NCKU's official web page, current president Hwung-Hweng Hwung repeated false accusations against me as facts and whitewashed my illegal dismissal as a "discontinued employment" (http://rdca45b.blogspot.com/ ).
Tainan's prosecutor dismissed my libel complaint against FLLD review members on the basis their defamatory accusations did not circulate outside the university. But all statutes I know state a falsehood is defamatory if one other person reads or hears it. Moreover the accusations insured my dismissal. To add salt to the wound, NCKU used my libel suit to claim, in another dismissal action, I spread rumors about the university.
The student was not punished, on the claim her letter did not cause my dismissal, though it was solicited and circulated for that purpose. Moreover her accusations prejudiced students against me more than ten years later (attached). Now she teaches at NCKU, despite her defamatory letter. The Dean of Student Affairs, who ignored repeated petitions to punish the student, later assumed an advisory role at the MOE.
The court declined to award punitive and compensatory damages, as are routine in other democracies, but simply told NCKU to reinstate me. It's like telling a kidnapper to return the child or a bank robber to return the money, without penalty. To this day no one involved in my illegal dismissal has been punished.
Though a few Chinese-language newspapers published the case, it was as a human interest item, not a human rights report. As if human rights were of no concern here. As if there was no right and wrong side, just two sides—a case of arbitration, not justice. As if Taiwan was a tribal society, not a democratic government.
This seems to have been the view of the courts, which mediated a pragmatic compromise rather than rule on principles of law. They upheld a Ministry ruling but also protected the presumed dignity of Taiwanese against the rights of a foreigner.
Hence the lack of compensatory, punitive, and remedial judgments.
In Taiwan democracy is enjoyed as a franchise, not enforced as a framework of rights. A permissive court is not the same as a just court.
The right to file a lawsuit against government officials is meaningless if judicial rulings deny rights rather than enforce them. In that case, a plaintiff's rights are a smokescreen for injustice.
Accountability and compensation are rights enshrined in international human rights charters endorsed by Taiwan. No Taiwan court should be allowed to nullify those rights.
I know of no democratic court in the world that would make similar rulings in these cases. A university repeatedly defied statutory rulings, yet the court found no liability and awarded no punitive or compensatory damages. Review Committee members were found not liable for circulating defamatory accusations that resulted in my dismissal. A student wrote a defamatory accusation that was solicited and circulated precisely to insure my dismissal yet is not found liable. Yes, an American can file a lawsuit in Taiwan's democracy, but can he win?
Recently I was informed by a Taiwanese colleague that he sued an NCKU student for defamatory remarks on the NCKU bulletin board and was awarded NT$150,000 in damages. Yet I could not win damages from a student whose defamatory letter was solicited and circulated to insure my dismissal. Not only wasn't the student punished but she's now teaching at the university!
Presumably no "foreigner" can win a case of this kind against Taiwanese, especially where the reputation of a so-called high-ranked Taiwan university is at stake. If US courts made similar rulings against Taiwanese perhaps there would be a Taiwan awakening.
Taiwanese are incensed at the mere rumor their taekwondo athlete was discriminated against in South Korea, but they remain silent about my case. Yet their children and colleagues enjoy human rights protections in the United States.
NCKU faculty who enjoyed human rights protections while matriculated in the United States are now completely silent about my case, though I have repeatedly emailed them to speak out on my behalf. "In the end we will remember not the words of our enemies, but the silence of our friends" (Martin Luther King, Jr.).
Though I have repeatedly petitioned the English-language press to expose this case, I've been ignored. They prefer to expose abuses in Mainland China rather than abuses in Taiwan. Writing editorials about the lack of human rights in Mainland China will not advance human rights in Taiwan. (For a documented exchange with an English-language newspaper in Taiwan, see my dedicated case blog at http://rdca45b.blogspot.com/search/label/Censorship%20in%20Taiwan%27s%20English-Language%20Press).
Of more general concern is, if Taiwan's press has ignored my officially documented case, what other human rights issues have they ignored in Taiwan? This bodes ill for Taiwan's own citizens. "Our lives begin to end the day we become silent about things that matter" (Martin Luther King, Jr.).
Taiwan's human rights and legal aid groups have proved useless. If a case of a major university guilty of documented human rights abuses doesn't incite their commitment one wonders what will.
When NCKU students were indicted for illegally sharing files, Taiwan's lawyers promptly volunteered pro bono assistance. But not a single lawyer has volunteered to accept my case on a pro bono basis.
Presumably illegally downloading files is a good ("pro bono") cause while an American professor who is discriminated against by a major Taiwan university is not a good cause. Someone should tell Taiwan's legal profession to get its priorities straight if Taiwan is to be taken seriously by the international community.
In the Middle East, on the streets of Moscow, and in Mainland China citizens stand up for rights at great risk. But in Taiwan educated faculty refuse to challenge an unjust administration at no risk except their relationships with colleagues who, based on their misconduct, are not worth having relationships with.
The censored media in Mainland China find means to expose human rights issues, while the so-called "free press" in Taiwan will not expose my case. Yet those in China risk imprisonment and torture, while those in Taiwan risk nothing. (Cf. http://rdca45b.blogspot.com/search/label/Silence%20of%20the%20Lambs).
Is it a wonder some Americans have become indifferent to Taiwan's democracy when Taiwanese seem indifferent to it?
Sincerely,
Richard de Canio
Formerly, Associate Professor
Department of Foreign Languages and Literature
National Cheng Kung University
Tainan, Taiwan
(886) 06 237 8626
PS: For a more complete understanding of events at National Cheng Kung University, consult my dedicated case blog at http://rdca45b.blogspot.com/
Taiwan Foundation for Democracy
No.4, Alley 17, Lane 147, Sec. 3, Sinyi Rd., Taipei 106, Taiwan
Professor Dennis Hickey
Department of Political Science
Missouri State University
901 South National Avenue
Springfield, MO 65897
Tsai Ing-wen
Taiwan Presidential Candidate
Scholars at Risk
New York, N.Y.
12 December 2011
Dear Dr. Jonathan Lin,
In June 1999, based on defamatory accusations, I was dismissed from the Department of Foreign Languages and Literature (FLLD) at National Cheng Kung University (NCKU) in Tainan, Taiwan. The appeal process was a ruse to delay the case indefinitely, against appellate rights.
After I won an appeal in a Ministry of Education (MOE) ruling dated 8 January 2001 (attached), the university defied it for nearly two and a half years. The MOE's warning letters (attached) forced the university to reinstate me in May 2003, but it held punitive hearings against me, as if MOE's ruling had no legal effect. The MOE declared the hearings illegal.
Though NCKU president Kao Chiang defied an MOE ruling, he was approved by the MOE for another three-year term. Emboldened, subsequent NCKU presidents have refused to remedy, or apologize for, human rights violations.
Instead, in March and May of this year, on NCKU's official web page, current president Hwung-Hweng Hwung repeated false accusations against me as facts and whitewashed my illegal dismissal as a "discontinued employment" (http://rdca45b.blogspot.com/ ).
Tainan's prosecutor dismissed my libel complaint against FLLD review members on the basis their defamatory accusations did not circulate outside the university. But all statutes I know state a falsehood is defamatory if one other person reads or hears it. Moreover the accusations insured my dismissal. To add salt to the wound, NCKU used my libel suit to claim, in another dismissal action, I spread rumors about the university.
The student was not punished, on the claim her letter did not cause my dismissal, though it was solicited and circulated for that purpose. Moreover her accusations prejudiced students against me more than ten years later (attached). Now she teaches at NCKU, despite her defamatory letter. The Dean of Student Affairs, who ignored repeated petitions to punish the student, later assumed an advisory role at the MOE.
The court declined to award punitive and compensatory damages, as are routine in other democracies, but simply told NCKU to reinstate me. It's like telling a kidnapper to return the child or a bank robber to return the money, without penalty. To this day no one involved in my illegal dismissal has been punished.
Though a few Chinese-language newspapers published the case, it was as a human interest item, not a human rights report. As if human rights were of no concern here. As if there was no right and wrong side, just two sides—a case of arbitration, not justice. As if Taiwan was a tribal society, not a democratic government.
This seems to have been the view of the courts, which mediated a pragmatic compromise rather than rule on principles of law. They upheld a Ministry ruling but also protected the presumed dignity of Taiwanese against the rights of a foreigner.
Hence the lack of compensatory, punitive, and remedial judgments.
In Taiwan democracy is enjoyed as a franchise, not enforced as a framework of rights. A permissive court is not the same as a just court.
The right to file a lawsuit against government officials is meaningless if judicial rulings deny rights rather than enforce them. In that case, a plaintiff's rights are a smokescreen for injustice.
Accountability and compensation are rights enshrined in international human rights charters endorsed by Taiwan. No Taiwan court should be allowed to nullify those rights.
I know of no democratic court in the world that would make similar rulings in these cases. A university repeatedly defied statutory rulings, yet the court found no liability and awarded no punitive or compensatory damages. Review Committee members were found not liable for circulating defamatory accusations that resulted in my dismissal. A student wrote a defamatory accusation that was solicited and circulated precisely to insure my dismissal yet is not found liable. Yes, an American can file a lawsuit in Taiwan's democracy, but can he win?
Recently I was informed by a Taiwanese colleague that he sued an NCKU student for defamatory remarks on the NCKU bulletin board and was awarded NT$150,000 in damages. Yet I could not win damages from a student whose defamatory letter was solicited and circulated to insure my dismissal. Not only wasn't the student punished but she's now teaching at the university!
Presumably no "foreigner" can win a case of this kind against Taiwanese, especially where the reputation of a so-called high-ranked Taiwan university is at stake. If US courts made similar rulings against Taiwanese perhaps there would be a Taiwan awakening.
Taiwanese are incensed at the mere rumor their taekwondo athlete was discriminated against in South Korea, but they remain silent about my case. Yet their children and colleagues enjoy human rights protections in the United States.
NCKU faculty who enjoyed human rights protections while matriculated in the United States are now completely silent about my case, though I have repeatedly emailed them to speak out on my behalf. "In the end we will remember not the words of our enemies, but the silence of our friends" (Martin Luther King, Jr.).
Though I have repeatedly petitioned the English-language press to expose this case, I've been ignored. They prefer to expose abuses in Mainland China rather than abuses in Taiwan. Writing editorials about the lack of human rights in Mainland China will not advance human rights in Taiwan. (For a documented exchange with an English-language newspaper in Taiwan, see my dedicated case blog at http://rdca45b.blogspot.com/search/label/Censorship%20in%20Taiwan%27s%20English-Language%20Press).
Of more general concern is, if Taiwan's press has ignored my officially documented case, what other human rights issues have they ignored in Taiwan? This bodes ill for Taiwan's own citizens. "Our lives begin to end the day we become silent about things that matter" (Martin Luther King, Jr.).
Taiwan's human rights and legal aid groups have proved useless. If a case of a major university guilty of documented human rights abuses doesn't incite their commitment one wonders what will.
When NCKU students were indicted for illegally sharing files, Taiwan's lawyers promptly volunteered pro bono assistance. But not a single lawyer has volunteered to accept my case on a pro bono basis.
Presumably illegally downloading files is a good ("pro bono") cause while an American professor who is discriminated against by a major Taiwan university is not a good cause. Someone should tell Taiwan's legal profession to get its priorities straight if Taiwan is to be taken seriously by the international community.
In the Middle East, on the streets of Moscow, and in Mainland China citizens stand up for rights at great risk. But in Taiwan educated faculty refuse to challenge an unjust administration at no risk except their relationships with colleagues who, based on their misconduct, are not worth having relationships with.
The censored media in Mainland China find means to expose human rights issues, while the so-called "free press" in Taiwan will not expose my case. Yet those in China risk imprisonment and torture, while those in Taiwan risk nothing. (Cf. http://rdca45b.blogspot.com/search/label/Silence%20of%20the%20Lambs).
Is it a wonder some Americans have become indifferent to Taiwan's democracy when Taiwanese seem indifferent to it?
Sincerely,
Richard de Canio
Formerly, Associate Professor
Department of Foreign Languages and Literature
National Cheng Kung University
Tainan, Taiwan
(886) 06 237 8626
PS: For a more complete understanding of events at National Cheng Kung University, consult my dedicated case blog at http://rdca45b.blogspot.com/
Sunday, December 4, 2011
4 December 2011
Dear NCKU Colleagues,
On March 4, 2011 a so-called "explanation," signed by current NCKU president, Hwung-Hweng Hwung was posted on the official NCKU web page (http://news-en.secr.ncku.edu.tw/files/13-1083-78482-1.php), where my illegal dismissal from the university in 1999 is now called "discontinued employment." By this logic a bank robbery is a quick withdrawal of funds.
The MOE ruling of 8 January 2001 explicitly states "the Appeals Committee's decision violated the law and was wrong" (http://rdca45b.blogspot.com/search/label/Ministry%20of%20Education%20Ruling). Why does Mr. Hwung call it "discontinued employment"?
Perhaps for the reason many ignore the 228 incident: "For several decades, the KMT-ruled government prohibited public discussion of the 228 Massacre and many children grew up without knowing this event had ever occurred" (Wikipedia).
So faculty and students at NCKU teach and matriculate "without knowing" my illegal dismissal "had ever occurred." In Mr. Hwung's sanitized language, I was "declined for employment renewal." Perhaps a foreign hostage is "declined for repatriation."
Mr. Hwung asserts "Legal procedures were carefully observed." Yet the MOE warned that NCKU "has seriously influenced the appellant's rights" (April 6, 2001), made "previous improper procedures" (June 14, 2001), and cautioned NCKU officials "not to repeatedly and deviously interpret the law" (August 17, 2001) (https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiCDpwd8lE2WN5jzfNAvBIP4GTM_j6jC3yuA4Gq2IbLlxGTsQ_9s6MDqEK596XXZLrnI7cADZW_L5Fa-TC5LVbKzkMRjdIsrkpXSmu-6_WTYyShiY91YQ0_pMc860OoEu3GSD8WntXOLdM/s1600/moeLetters10-726356.JPG).
Mr. Hwung concludes his whitewash by saying, "I believe few people are perfect in this society of great variety." I'm not sure what Mr. Hwung means by "this society of great variety," unless he means that some people believe in laws while others do not.
As for his comment that "few people are perfect," the law does not require perfection, but compliance. It's a fact university officials failed to comply with the law. The Ministry ruling says so. If a university president says otherwise he has no business being president.
Mr. Hwung concludes, "With happy mood, we work together to contribute to the society in pursuit of the true, the good, and the beautiful."
In Plato "the true, the good, and the beautiful" refer to justice. In the Republic Socrates evokes a just person who sees "the evil state of man, misbehaving himself in a ridiculous manner" and "tries to make people understand who have never seen real justice" but know only "images of justice" (Book VII).
Mr. Hwung, as president of a university, should seek real justice, not images of justice. He should post an apology, not a whitewash.
Perhaps he failed to read the Ministry ruling: "The university's Appeals Committee did not investigate the faults in the decision made by the university's three-level Review Committees. Moreover, it did not clarify and point out the correct procedures according to laws."
If Mr. Hwung can sustain a "happy mood" in the midst of injustice he should not be president of a university. He should cheer the just execution of laws at his university instead of the donation of a piano by former NCKU president, Michael Ming-Chiao Lai (http://news-en.secr.ncku.edu.tw/files/14-1083-85388,r614-1.php).
Mr. Lai, like other NCKU officials, ignored repeated petitions to resolve my illegal dismissal on just principles of law, including apology, accountability, and compensation. Instead of "the gift of love," why not "the gift of justice"?
As if to prove two wrongs make a right, Mr. Hwung's cohort, Chin-Cheng Chen, the current Secretariat, also signed a post about my illegal dismissal, dated May 4, 2011.
In a game of follow the leader, Mr. Chen refers to my illegal dismissal as my "being declined for employment renewal." He boasts "it was approved . . . as a result of multiple rounds of review," ignoring "the faults in the decision made by the university's three-level Review Committees" (MOE).
Thus "multiple rounds of review" multiplied abuses rather than remedied them. That's not something to boast of in a high-ranked university here.
Moreover, how could my illegal dismissal have "followed the required procedure" by being "in accordance with the Employment Service Law" if the MOE clearly stated that law was not applicable and NCKU "mistakenly claimed 'foreign teachers' hiring relationship ends after the contract period is fulfilled and there is no need to follow the regulations written in Article 14, Item 1 of Teacher's law'" (MOE)?
Mr. Chen's Orwellian Newspeak reaches new lows when he refers to malicious accusations of plagiarism, rejected by the MOE, as a "fact" that I "was involved in plagiarism"! For good measure he adds I was "in violation of Articles 91 and 94 of the Intellectual Property Rights."
In his sleight-of-hand trick, Mr. Chen apparently hopes quoting real laws will dignify false accusations, like accusing one's teetotal neighbor of being "in violation of Articles 55 and 59 of the Public Intoxication Code." The reference to real laws seems to give substance to false accusations.
This is the trick NCKUs "multiple rounds of review" tried. Presumably, if one cites laws and repeats lies long enough they will becloud the truth, a tactic the MOE soundly rejected on the basis NCKU committees "did not clarify and point out the correct procedures according to laws." Citing inapplicable laws does not replace the law in a just society. It might work at NCKU but not at MOE.
As for "the allegation of grading imparity" by my former student, Mr. Chen neglects to mention the letter was solicited by an FLLD chair and secretly circulated at "the multiple rounds of review" Mr. Chen boasts of.
In using the word "allegation" I assume Mr. Chen does not know the word "defamation" or doesn't care to use it. Yet the student had no proof of her "allegation," complained about her grade eight years after her class, did not mention she received three high passes from me the same year, made her claim in secret, was solicited to write her letter by the same committee that had already started an illegal dismissal action against me, was never asked to prove her "allegation" before an independent committee, and is now employed at our university.
Based on official MOE rulings, these two posts are discredited. One of them was signed by a former chair of the Teachers Union, which formally contested my illegal dismissal. Now he claims no illegal dismissal occurred, a case of "When the butt changes, the head changes."
Democracy does not reckon butts or heads, but laws. Both officials who signed these posts should resign to restore credibility to the university.
NCKU faculty are also responsible by their complicity of silence. Other faculties stand up for human rights, why not here?
The lack of deterrent rulings emboldened NCKU officials and discouraged NCKU faculty. If officials are liable, as MOE documents state, why aren't they reprimanded, fined, or dismissed? Why isn't the university compelled to issue an apology and compensation?
Sincerely,
Richard de Canio
formerly, Associate Professor
Department of Foreign Languages and Literature
National Cheng Kung University
Tainan, Taiwan
For those who wish a more extended treatment of these two posts, please consult my dedicated case blog at http://rdca45b.blogspot.com/search/label/Explaining%20an%20%22Explanation%22.
Dear NCKU Colleagues,
On March 4, 2011 a so-called "explanation," signed by current NCKU president, Hwung-Hweng Hwung was posted on the official NCKU web page (http://news-en.secr.ncku.edu.tw/files/13-1083-78482-1.php), where my illegal dismissal from the university in 1999 is now called "discontinued employment." By this logic a bank robbery is a quick withdrawal of funds.
The MOE ruling of 8 January 2001 explicitly states "the Appeals Committee's decision violated the law and was wrong" (http://rdca45b.blogspot.com/search/label/Ministry%20of%20Education%20Ruling). Why does Mr. Hwung call it "discontinued employment"?
Perhaps for the reason many ignore the 228 incident: "For several decades, the KMT-ruled government prohibited public discussion of the 228 Massacre and many children grew up without knowing this event had ever occurred" (Wikipedia).
So faculty and students at NCKU teach and matriculate "without knowing" my illegal dismissal "had ever occurred." In Mr. Hwung's sanitized language, I was "declined for employment renewal." Perhaps a foreign hostage is "declined for repatriation."
Mr. Hwung asserts "Legal procedures were carefully observed." Yet the MOE warned that NCKU "has seriously influenced the appellant's rights" (April 6, 2001), made "previous improper procedures" (June 14, 2001), and cautioned NCKU officials "not to repeatedly and deviously interpret the law" (August 17, 2001) (https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiCDpwd8lE2WN5jzfNAvBIP4GTM_j6jC3yuA4Gq2IbLlxGTsQ_9s6MDqEK596XXZLrnI7cADZW_L5Fa-TC5LVbKzkMRjdIsrkpXSmu-6_WTYyShiY91YQ0_pMc860OoEu3GSD8WntXOLdM/s1600/moeLetters10-726356.JPG).
Mr. Hwung concludes his whitewash by saying, "I believe few people are perfect in this society of great variety." I'm not sure what Mr. Hwung means by "this society of great variety," unless he means that some people believe in laws while others do not.
As for his comment that "few people are perfect," the law does not require perfection, but compliance. It's a fact university officials failed to comply with the law. The Ministry ruling says so. If a university president says otherwise he has no business being president.
Mr. Hwung concludes, "With happy mood, we work together to contribute to the society in pursuit of the true, the good, and the beautiful."
In Plato "the true, the good, and the beautiful" refer to justice. In the Republic Socrates evokes a just person who sees "the evil state of man, misbehaving himself in a ridiculous manner" and "tries to make people understand who have never seen real justice" but know only "images of justice" (Book VII).
Mr. Hwung, as president of a university, should seek real justice, not images of justice. He should post an apology, not a whitewash.
Perhaps he failed to read the Ministry ruling: "The university's Appeals Committee did not investigate the faults in the decision made by the university's three-level Review Committees. Moreover, it did not clarify and point out the correct procedures according to laws."
If Mr. Hwung can sustain a "happy mood" in the midst of injustice he should not be president of a university. He should cheer the just execution of laws at his university instead of the donation of a piano by former NCKU president, Michael Ming-Chiao Lai (http://news-en.secr.ncku.edu.tw/files/14-1083-85388,r614-1.php).
Mr. Lai, like other NCKU officials, ignored repeated petitions to resolve my illegal dismissal on just principles of law, including apology, accountability, and compensation. Instead of "the gift of love," why not "the gift of justice"?
As if to prove two wrongs make a right, Mr. Hwung's cohort, Chin-Cheng Chen, the current Secretariat, also signed a post about my illegal dismissal, dated May 4, 2011.
In a game of follow the leader, Mr. Chen refers to my illegal dismissal as my "being declined for employment renewal." He boasts "it was approved . . . as a result of multiple rounds of review," ignoring "the faults in the decision made by the university's three-level Review Committees" (MOE).
Thus "multiple rounds of review" multiplied abuses rather than remedied them. That's not something to boast of in a high-ranked university here.
Moreover, how could my illegal dismissal have "followed the required procedure" by being "in accordance with the Employment Service Law" if the MOE clearly stated that law was not applicable and NCKU "mistakenly claimed 'foreign teachers' hiring relationship ends after the contract period is fulfilled and there is no need to follow the regulations written in Article 14, Item 1 of Teacher's law'" (MOE)?
Mr. Chen's Orwellian Newspeak reaches new lows when he refers to malicious accusations of plagiarism, rejected by the MOE, as a "fact" that I "was involved in plagiarism"! For good measure he adds I was "in violation of Articles 91 and 94 of the Intellectual Property Rights."
In his sleight-of-hand trick, Mr. Chen apparently hopes quoting real laws will dignify false accusations, like accusing one's teetotal neighbor of being "in violation of Articles 55 and 59 of the Public Intoxication Code." The reference to real laws seems to give substance to false accusations.
This is the trick NCKUs "multiple rounds of review" tried. Presumably, if one cites laws and repeats lies long enough they will becloud the truth, a tactic the MOE soundly rejected on the basis NCKU committees "did not clarify and point out the correct procedures according to laws." Citing inapplicable laws does not replace the law in a just society. It might work at NCKU but not at MOE.
As for "the allegation of grading imparity" by my former student, Mr. Chen neglects to mention the letter was solicited by an FLLD chair and secretly circulated at "the multiple rounds of review" Mr. Chen boasts of.
In using the word "allegation" I assume Mr. Chen does not know the word "defamation" or doesn't care to use it. Yet the student had no proof of her "allegation," complained about her grade eight years after her class, did not mention she received three high passes from me the same year, made her claim in secret, was solicited to write her letter by the same committee that had already started an illegal dismissal action against me, was never asked to prove her "allegation" before an independent committee, and is now employed at our university.
Based on official MOE rulings, these two posts are discredited. One of them was signed by a former chair of the Teachers Union, which formally contested my illegal dismissal. Now he claims no illegal dismissal occurred, a case of "When the butt changes, the head changes."
Democracy does not reckon butts or heads, but laws. Both officials who signed these posts should resign to restore credibility to the university.
NCKU faculty are also responsible by their complicity of silence. Other faculties stand up for human rights, why not here?
The lack of deterrent rulings emboldened NCKU officials and discouraged NCKU faculty. If officials are liable, as MOE documents state, why aren't they reprimanded, fined, or dismissed? Why isn't the university compelled to issue an apology and compensation?
Sincerely,
Richard de Canio
formerly, Associate Professor
Department of Foreign Languages and Literature
National Cheng Kung University
Tainan, Taiwan
For those who wish a more extended treatment of these two posts, please consult my dedicated case blog at http://rdca45b.blogspot.com/search/label/Explaining%20an%20%22Explanation%22.
Friday, December 2, 2011
Human Rights in Taiwan
Letter to Taiwan Today
3 December 2011
Dear Editor,
In June 1999 I was dismissed from the Department of Foreign Languages and Literature (FLLD) at National Cheng Kung University (NCKU) in Tainan, Taiwan. When the Teachers Union warned the dismissal was illegal, a student's defamatory letter was solicited by FLLD's chair and secretly circulated at so-called oversight hearings.
In December 1999 my dismissal was canceled. But this was a ruse, presumably to delay the case to insure my departure. The Appeals Committee ruled, against appellate logic, I should be reviewed again.
After my second appeal, the committee ruled the university didn't need a reason to dismiss a foreigner, so upheld my dismissal. Though I won an appeal in a Ministry of Education (MOE) ruling dated 8 January 2001 (attached), the university defied it for nearly two and a half years, despite MOE's ten warning letters (attached) and two letters from Scholars at Risk, an international human rights group. Instead NCKU contested the ruling in court, claiming foreigners had no right to appeal, though the university held appeal hearings and participated at the MOE appeal!
The court upheld the MOE ruling (October 2002), but NCKU officials threatened to appeal indefinitely unless I resigned. The MOE's warning letters forced the university to reinstate me in May 2003, but it held punitive hearings against me, as if MOE's ruling had no legal effect. The MOE declared the hearings illegal.
This case involves more than a few NCKU officials. Though NCKU president Kao Chiang defied an MOE ruling, he was approved by the MOE for another three-year term. Emboldened, subsequent NCKU presidents have refused to remedy, or apologize for, human rights violations.
Instead, in March and May of this year, on NCKU's official web page, current president Hwung-Hweng Hwung repeated false accusations against me as facts and whitewashed my illegal dismissal as a "discontinued employment." One official contested NCKU's dismissal action when in the Teachers Union but now claims no illegal dismissal occurred. "When the butt changes, the head changes," as the Chinese proverb says.
Though many matriculated or taught at US universities where they enjoyed equal rights under the law, NCKU's faculty remain silent about the case, despite my numerous petitions. Instead, over thirteen years, only three sent private emails, expressing sympathy. "In the end, we will remember not the words of our enemies, but the silence of our friends" (Martin Luther King, Jr.).
Tainan's prosecutor dismissed my libel complaint against FLLD review members on the basis the accusations did not circulate outside the university. But all statutes I know state a falsehood is defamatory if one other person reads or hears it. Moreover the accusations insured my dismissal. To add salt to the wound, NCKU used my libel suit to claim, in a dismissal action, I spread rumors about the university.
The student was not punished, on the claim her letter did not cause my dismissal, though it was circulated for that purpose and her accusations prejudiced students against me more than ten years later (attached). Now she teaches at NCKU, none the worse for her defamatory letter. The Dean of Student Affairs, who ignored my repeated petitions to punish the student, later assumed an advisory role at the MOE.
The court declined to award punitive and compensatory damages, as are routine in other democracies, but simply told NCKU to reinstate me. It's like telling a kidnapper to return the child or a bank robber to return the money, without penalty.
Not a single person involved in my illegal dismissal was called to account for it. A lack of deterrent rulings will compromise democracy, or at least foreigners (hence foreign exchanges) here. Only a vocal protest by the international community will insure change in Taiwan's treatment of foreigners.
What if US courts treated Taiwanese plaintiffs the same way? Vocal protests over the recent taekwondo incident indicate Taiwanese would not be silent as they are in my case.
Though a few Chinese-language newspapers published the case, it was as a human interest item, not a human rights report. As if there was no right and wrong side, just two sides—a case of arbitration, not justice.
This seems to have been the view of the courts, which mediated a compromise rather than rule on principles of law. They had to uphold a Ministry ruling but also had to protect the dignity of Taiwanese against the rights of a foreigner.
Hence the lack of compensatory, punitive, and remedial judgments. A tribal culture relies on arbitration, but a democracy must use principles of law, legitimated in routine court rulings. But in Taiwan, democracy is enjoyed as a franchise, not enforced as a framework of rights.
Though I have repeatedly petitioned the English-language press to expose this case, I've been ignored. They prefer to expose abuses in Mainland China rather than abuses in Taiwan. Writing editorials about the lack of human rights in Mainland China will not advance human rights in Taiwan.
If Taiwan's press has ignored my officially documented case, what other human rights issues have they ignored? This bodes ill for Taiwan's own citizens. "Our lives begin to end the day we become silent about things that matter" (Martin Luther King, Jr.).
Taiwan's human rights groups have proved useless. If a case of a major university guilty of egregious human rights abuses doesn't incite their commitment one wonders what will.
When NCKU students were indicted for illegally sharing files, Taiwan's lawyers promptly volunteered pro bono assistance. But not a single lawyer has volunteered to accept my case on a pro bono basis.
Presumably illegally downloading files is a good ("pro bono") cause while an American professor who is discriminated against by a major Taiwan university is not a good cause. Someone should tell Taiwan's legal profession to get its priorities straight if Taiwan is to be taken seriously by the international community.
A slogan of the US Counterculture movement in the 1960s was, "Democracy is not something you have, it's something you do." Taiwanese must learn to do democracy every day, in issues small and great, whether it's a crosswalk for schoolchildren or human rights at a university.
In the Middle East and in Mainland China citizens stand up for rights at great risk. But in Taiwan educated faculty refuse to challenge an unjust administration.
The censored media in Mainland China find means to expose human rights issues, while the so-called "free press" in Taiwan will not expose my case. Yet those in China risk imprisonment and torture, while those in Taiwan risk nothing. (Cf. http://rdca45b.blogspot.com/search/label/Silence%20of%20the%20Lambs).
Taiwan tends to inculturate Western values, fitting them to its own ways. Despite democratic principles of law, relationships decide if those principles are enforced.
The case at NCKU is a case in point. Under the circumstances, is it a wonder some Americans have become indifferent to Taiwan's democracy?
Sincerely,
Richard de Canio
Formerly, Associate Professor
Department of Foreign Languages and Literature
National Cheng Kung University
Tainan, Taiwan
(886) 06 237 8626
3 December 2011
Dear Editor,
In June 1999 I was dismissed from the Department of Foreign Languages and Literature (FLLD) at National Cheng Kung University (NCKU) in Tainan, Taiwan. When the Teachers Union warned the dismissal was illegal, a student's defamatory letter was solicited by FLLD's chair and secretly circulated at so-called oversight hearings.
In December 1999 my dismissal was canceled. But this was a ruse, presumably to delay the case to insure my departure. The Appeals Committee ruled, against appellate logic, I should be reviewed again.
After my second appeal, the committee ruled the university didn't need a reason to dismiss a foreigner, so upheld my dismissal. Though I won an appeal in a Ministry of Education (MOE) ruling dated 8 January 2001 (attached), the university defied it for nearly two and a half years, despite MOE's ten warning letters (attached) and two letters from Scholars at Risk, an international human rights group. Instead NCKU contested the ruling in court, claiming foreigners had no right to appeal, though the university held appeal hearings and participated at the MOE appeal!
The court upheld the MOE ruling (October 2002), but NCKU officials threatened to appeal indefinitely unless I resigned. The MOE's warning letters forced the university to reinstate me in May 2003, but it held punitive hearings against me, as if MOE's ruling had no legal effect. The MOE declared the hearings illegal.
This case involves more than a few NCKU officials. Though NCKU president Kao Chiang defied an MOE ruling, he was approved by the MOE for another three-year term. Emboldened, subsequent NCKU presidents have refused to remedy, or apologize for, human rights violations.
Instead, in March and May of this year, on NCKU's official web page, current president Hwung-Hweng Hwung repeated false accusations against me as facts and whitewashed my illegal dismissal as a "discontinued employment." One official contested NCKU's dismissal action when in the Teachers Union but now claims no illegal dismissal occurred. "When the butt changes, the head changes," as the Chinese proverb says.
Though many matriculated or taught at US universities where they enjoyed equal rights under the law, NCKU's faculty remain silent about the case, despite my numerous petitions. Instead, over thirteen years, only three sent private emails, expressing sympathy. "In the end, we will remember not the words of our enemies, but the silence of our friends" (Martin Luther King, Jr.).
Tainan's prosecutor dismissed my libel complaint against FLLD review members on the basis the accusations did not circulate outside the university. But all statutes I know state a falsehood is defamatory if one other person reads or hears it. Moreover the accusations insured my dismissal. To add salt to the wound, NCKU used my libel suit to claim, in a dismissal action, I spread rumors about the university.
The student was not punished, on the claim her letter did not cause my dismissal, though it was circulated for that purpose and her accusations prejudiced students against me more than ten years later (attached). Now she teaches at NCKU, none the worse for her defamatory letter. The Dean of Student Affairs, who ignored my repeated petitions to punish the student, later assumed an advisory role at the MOE.
The court declined to award punitive and compensatory damages, as are routine in other democracies, but simply told NCKU to reinstate me. It's like telling a kidnapper to return the child or a bank robber to return the money, without penalty.
Not a single person involved in my illegal dismissal was called to account for it. A lack of deterrent rulings will compromise democracy, or at least foreigners (hence foreign exchanges) here. Only a vocal protest by the international community will insure change in Taiwan's treatment of foreigners.
What if US courts treated Taiwanese plaintiffs the same way? Vocal protests over the recent taekwondo incident indicate Taiwanese would not be silent as they are in my case.
Though a few Chinese-language newspapers published the case, it was as a human interest item, not a human rights report. As if there was no right and wrong side, just two sides—a case of arbitration, not justice.
This seems to have been the view of the courts, which mediated a compromise rather than rule on principles of law. They had to uphold a Ministry ruling but also had to protect the dignity of Taiwanese against the rights of a foreigner.
Hence the lack of compensatory, punitive, and remedial judgments. A tribal culture relies on arbitration, but a democracy must use principles of law, legitimated in routine court rulings. But in Taiwan, democracy is enjoyed as a franchise, not enforced as a framework of rights.
Though I have repeatedly petitioned the English-language press to expose this case, I've been ignored. They prefer to expose abuses in Mainland China rather than abuses in Taiwan. Writing editorials about the lack of human rights in Mainland China will not advance human rights in Taiwan.
If Taiwan's press has ignored my officially documented case, what other human rights issues have they ignored? This bodes ill for Taiwan's own citizens. "Our lives begin to end the day we become silent about things that matter" (Martin Luther King, Jr.).
Taiwan's human rights groups have proved useless. If a case of a major university guilty of egregious human rights abuses doesn't incite their commitment one wonders what will.
When NCKU students were indicted for illegally sharing files, Taiwan's lawyers promptly volunteered pro bono assistance. But not a single lawyer has volunteered to accept my case on a pro bono basis.
Presumably illegally downloading files is a good ("pro bono") cause while an American professor who is discriminated against by a major Taiwan university is not a good cause. Someone should tell Taiwan's legal profession to get its priorities straight if Taiwan is to be taken seriously by the international community.
A slogan of the US Counterculture movement in the 1960s was, "Democracy is not something you have, it's something you do." Taiwanese must learn to do democracy every day, in issues small and great, whether it's a crosswalk for schoolchildren or human rights at a university.
In the Middle East and in Mainland China citizens stand up for rights at great risk. But in Taiwan educated faculty refuse to challenge an unjust administration.
The censored media in Mainland China find means to expose human rights issues, while the so-called "free press" in Taiwan will not expose my case. Yet those in China risk imprisonment and torture, while those in Taiwan risk nothing. (Cf. http://rdca45b.blogspot.com/search/label/Silence%20of%20the%20Lambs).
Taiwan tends to inculturate Western values, fitting them to its own ways. Despite democratic principles of law, relationships decide if those principles are enforced.
The case at NCKU is a case in point. Under the circumstances, is it a wonder some Americans have become indifferent to Taiwan's democracy?
Sincerely,
Richard de Canio
Formerly, Associate Professor
Department of Foreign Languages and Literature
National Cheng Kung University
Tainan, Taiwan
(886) 06 237 8626
Thursday, December 1, 2011
Human Rights in Taiwan
Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development (FORUM-ASIA)
2 December 2011
Dear Forum-Asia,
In June 1999 I was dismissed from the Department of Foreign Languages and Literature (FLLD) at National Cheng Kung University (NCKU) in Tainan, Taiwan. When the Teachers Union warned the dismissal was illegal, a student's defamatory letter was solicited by FLLD's chair and secretly circulated at so-called oversight hearings.
In December 1999 my dismissal was canceled. But this was a ruse, presumably to delay the case to insure my departure. The Appeals Committee ruled, against appellate logic, I should be reviewed again.
After my second appeal, the committee ruled the university didn't need a reason to dismiss a foreigner, so upheld my dismissal. Though I won an appeal in a Ministry of Education (MOE) ruling dated 8 January 2001 (attached), the university defied it for nearly two and a half years, despite MOE's ten warning letters (attached) and two letters from Scholars at Risk, an international human rights group. Instead NCKU contested the ruling in court, claiming foreigners had no right to appeal, though the university held appeal hearings and participated at the MOE appeal!
The court upheld the MOE ruling (October 2002), but NCKU officials threatened to appeal indefinitely unless I resigned. The MOE's warning letters forced the university to reinstate me in May 2003, but it held punitive hearings against me, as if MOE's ruling had no legal effect. The MOE declared the hearings illegal.
This case involves more than a few NCKU officials. Though NCKU president Kao Chiang defied an MOE ruling, he was approved by the MOE for another three-year term. Emboldened, subsequent NCKU presidents have refused to remedy, or apologize for, human rights violations.
Instead, in March and May of this year, on NCKU's official web page, current president Hwung-Hweng Hwung and Secretary-General Chen C. C. Chen, repeated false accusations against me as facts and whitewashed my illegal dismissal as a "discontinued employment" (attached). One of them contested NCKU's dismissal action when in the Teachers Union but now claims no illegal dismissal occurred. "When the butt changes, the head changes," as the Chinese proverb says.
Though many matriculated or taught at US universities where they enjoyed equal rights under the law, NCKU's faculty remain silent about the case, despite my numerous petitions. Instead, over thirteen years, only three sent private emails, expressing sympathy. "In the end, we will remember not the words of our enemies, but the silence of our friends" (Martin Luther King, Jr.).
Tainan's prosecutor dismissed my libel complaint against FLLD review members on the basis the false accusations did not circulate outside the university. But all statutes I know state a falsehood is defamatory if one other person reads or hears it. To add salt to the wound, NCKU used my libel suit to claim, in a dismissal action, I spread rumors about the university.
The student was not punished, on the claim her letter did not cause my dismissal, though it was circulated for that purpose. Now she teaches at NCKU, none the worse for her defamatory letter. The Dean of Student Affairs, who ignored my repeated petitions to punish the student, later assumed an advisory role at the MOE.
The court declined to award punitive and compensatory damages, as are routine in other democracies, but simply told NCKU to reinstate me. It's like telling a kidnapper to return the child or a bank robber to return the money, without penalty.
Not a single person involved in my illegal dismissal was called to account for it. A lack of deterrent rulings will compromise democracy, or at least foreigners, hence foreign exchanges, here. Only a vocal protest by American citizens and officials will insure change in Taiwan's treatment of foreigners.
What if US courts treated Taiwanese plaintiffs the same way? Vocal protests over the recent taekwondo incident indicate Taiwanese would not be silent as they are in my case.
Though a few Chinese-language newspapers published the case, it was as a human interest item, not a human rights report. As if there was no right and wrong side, just two sides; an issue of arbitration rather than justice.
This seems to have been the view of the courts, which mediated a compromise rather than rule on principles of law. They had to uphold a Ministry ruling but also had to protect the dignity of Taiwanese against the rights of a foreigner.
Hence the lack of compensatory, punitive, and remedial judgments. A tribal society can survive by means of arbitration, but a democracy can endure only on principles of law, legitimated in routine court rulings.
Though I have repeatedly petitioned the English-language press to expose this case, I've been ignored. They prefer to expose abuses in Mainland China rather than abuses in Taiwan. Writing editorials about the lack of human rights in Mainland China will not advance human rights in Taiwan.
But if Taiwan's press has ignored my officially documented case, what other human rights issues have been ignored? This bodes ill for Taiwan's own citizens. For "Our lives begin to end the day we become silent about things that matter" (Martin Luther King, Jr.).
Taiwan's human rights groups have proved useless. If a case of a major university guilty of egregious human rights abuses doesn't incite their commitment one wonders what will.
When NCKU students were indicted for illegally sharing files, Taiwan's lawyers promptly volunteered pro bono assistance. But not a single lawyer has volunteered to accept my case on a pro bono basis.
Presumably illegally downloading files is a good ("pro bono") cause while an American professor who is discriminated against by a major Taiwan university is not a good cause. Someone should tell Taiwan's legal profession to get its priorities straight if Taiwan is to be taken seriously by the international community.
A slogan of the US Counterculture movement in the 1960s was, "Democracy is not something you have, it's something you do." Taiwanese must learn that democracy has to be done every single day, in issues small and great, whether it's a crosswalk for schoolchildren or human rights at a university.
In the Middle East and in Mainland China citizens stand up for rights at great risk, while in Taiwan educated faculty refuse to challenge an unjust administration. The censored media in Mainland China find means to expose human rights issues, while the so-called "free press" in Taiwan will not expose my case. Yet those in China risk imprisonment and torture, while those in Taiwan risk nothing. (Cf. http://rdca45b.blogspot.com/search/label/Silence%20of%20the%20Lambs).
Taiwan tends to espouse Western values by inculturation, rather than acculturation. Regardless of democratic principles of law, relationships determine if those principles are enforced. The case at NCKU is a case in point. Under the circumstances, is it a wonder some Americans have become indifferent to Taiwan's democracy?
Sincerely,
Richard de Canio
Formerly, Associate Professor
Department of Foreign Languages and Literature
National Cheng Kung University
Tainan, Taiwan
(886) (06) 237-8626
2 December 2011
Dear Forum-Asia,
In June 1999 I was dismissed from the Department of Foreign Languages and Literature (FLLD) at National Cheng Kung University (NCKU) in Tainan, Taiwan. When the Teachers Union warned the dismissal was illegal, a student's defamatory letter was solicited by FLLD's chair and secretly circulated at so-called oversight hearings.
In December 1999 my dismissal was canceled. But this was a ruse, presumably to delay the case to insure my departure. The Appeals Committee ruled, against appellate logic, I should be reviewed again.
After my second appeal, the committee ruled the university didn't need a reason to dismiss a foreigner, so upheld my dismissal. Though I won an appeal in a Ministry of Education (MOE) ruling dated 8 January 2001 (attached), the university defied it for nearly two and a half years, despite MOE's ten warning letters (attached) and two letters from Scholars at Risk, an international human rights group. Instead NCKU contested the ruling in court, claiming foreigners had no right to appeal, though the university held appeal hearings and participated at the MOE appeal!
The court upheld the MOE ruling (October 2002), but NCKU officials threatened to appeal indefinitely unless I resigned. The MOE's warning letters forced the university to reinstate me in May 2003, but it held punitive hearings against me, as if MOE's ruling had no legal effect. The MOE declared the hearings illegal.
This case involves more than a few NCKU officials. Though NCKU president Kao Chiang defied an MOE ruling, he was approved by the MOE for another three-year term. Emboldened, subsequent NCKU presidents have refused to remedy, or apologize for, human rights violations.
Instead, in March and May of this year, on NCKU's official web page, current president Hwung-Hweng Hwung and Secretary-General Chen C. C. Chen, repeated false accusations against me as facts and whitewashed my illegal dismissal as a "discontinued employment" (attached). One of them contested NCKU's dismissal action when in the Teachers Union but now claims no illegal dismissal occurred. "When the butt changes, the head changes," as the Chinese proverb says.
Though many matriculated or taught at US universities where they enjoyed equal rights under the law, NCKU's faculty remain silent about the case, despite my numerous petitions. Instead, over thirteen years, only three sent private emails, expressing sympathy. "In the end, we will remember not the words of our enemies, but the silence of our friends" (Martin Luther King, Jr.).
Tainan's prosecutor dismissed my libel complaint against FLLD review members on the basis the false accusations did not circulate outside the university. But all statutes I know state a falsehood is defamatory if one other person reads or hears it. To add salt to the wound, NCKU used my libel suit to claim, in a dismissal action, I spread rumors about the university.
The student was not punished, on the claim her letter did not cause my dismissal, though it was circulated for that purpose. Now she teaches at NCKU, none the worse for her defamatory letter. The Dean of Student Affairs, who ignored my repeated petitions to punish the student, later assumed an advisory role at the MOE.
The court declined to award punitive and compensatory damages, as are routine in other democracies, but simply told NCKU to reinstate me. It's like telling a kidnapper to return the child or a bank robber to return the money, without penalty.
Not a single person involved in my illegal dismissal was called to account for it. A lack of deterrent rulings will compromise democracy, or at least foreigners, hence foreign exchanges, here. Only a vocal protest by American citizens and officials will insure change in Taiwan's treatment of foreigners.
What if US courts treated Taiwanese plaintiffs the same way? Vocal protests over the recent taekwondo incident indicate Taiwanese would not be silent as they are in my case.
Though a few Chinese-language newspapers published the case, it was as a human interest item, not a human rights report. As if there was no right and wrong side, just two sides; an issue of arbitration rather than justice.
This seems to have been the view of the courts, which mediated a compromise rather than rule on principles of law. They had to uphold a Ministry ruling but also had to protect the dignity of Taiwanese against the rights of a foreigner.
Hence the lack of compensatory, punitive, and remedial judgments. A tribal society can survive by means of arbitration, but a democracy can endure only on principles of law, legitimated in routine court rulings.
Though I have repeatedly petitioned the English-language press to expose this case, I've been ignored. They prefer to expose abuses in Mainland China rather than abuses in Taiwan. Writing editorials about the lack of human rights in Mainland China will not advance human rights in Taiwan.
But if Taiwan's press has ignored my officially documented case, what other human rights issues have been ignored? This bodes ill for Taiwan's own citizens. For "Our lives begin to end the day we become silent about things that matter" (Martin Luther King, Jr.).
Taiwan's human rights groups have proved useless. If a case of a major university guilty of egregious human rights abuses doesn't incite their commitment one wonders what will.
When NCKU students were indicted for illegally sharing files, Taiwan's lawyers promptly volunteered pro bono assistance. But not a single lawyer has volunteered to accept my case on a pro bono basis.
Presumably illegally downloading files is a good ("pro bono") cause while an American professor who is discriminated against by a major Taiwan university is not a good cause. Someone should tell Taiwan's legal profession to get its priorities straight if Taiwan is to be taken seriously by the international community.
A slogan of the US Counterculture movement in the 1960s was, "Democracy is not something you have, it's something you do." Taiwanese must learn that democracy has to be done every single day, in issues small and great, whether it's a crosswalk for schoolchildren or human rights at a university.
In the Middle East and in Mainland China citizens stand up for rights at great risk, while in Taiwan educated faculty refuse to challenge an unjust administration. The censored media in Mainland China find means to expose human rights issues, while the so-called "free press" in Taiwan will not expose my case. Yet those in China risk imprisonment and torture, while those in Taiwan risk nothing. (Cf. http://rdca45b.blogspot.com/search/label/Silence%20of%20the%20Lambs).
Taiwan tends to espouse Western values by inculturation, rather than acculturation. Regardless of democratic principles of law, relationships determine if those principles are enforced. The case at NCKU is a case in point. Under the circumstances, is it a wonder some Americans have become indifferent to Taiwan's democracy?
Sincerely,
Richard de Canio
Formerly, Associate Professor
Department of Foreign Languages and Literature
National Cheng Kung University
Tainan, Taiwan
(886) (06) 237-8626
Wednesday, November 30, 2011
Letter to Taiwan Colleagues
Letter to Taiwan Colleagues
3 December 2011
Colleagues,
In June 1999 I was dismissed from the Department of Foreign Languages and Literature (FLLD) at National Cheng Kung University (NCKU) in Tainan, Taiwan. When the Teachers Union warned the dismissal was illegal, a student's defamatory letter was solicited by FLLD's chair and secretly circulated at so-called oversight hearings.
In December 1999 my dismissal was canceled. But this was a ruse, presumably to delay the case to insure my departure. The Appeals Committee ruled, against appellate logic, I should be reviewed again.
After my second appeal, the committee ruled the university didn't need a reason to dismiss a foreigner, so upheld my dismissal. Though I won an appeal in a Ministry of Education (MOE) ruling dated 8 January 2001 (attached), the university defied it for nearly two and a half years, despite MOE's ten warning letters (attached) and two letters from Scholars at Risk, an international human rights group. Instead NCKU contested the ruling in court, claiming foreigners had no right to appeal, though the university held appeal hearings and participated at the MOE appeal!
The court upheld the MOE ruling (October 2002), but NCKU officials threatened to appeal indefinitely unless I resigned. The MOE's warning letters forced the university to reinstate me in May 2003, but it held punitive hearings against me, as if MOE's ruling had no legal effect. The MOE declared the hearings illegal.
This case involves more than a few NCKU officials. Though NCKU president Kao Chiang defied an MOE ruling, he was approved by the MOE for another three-year term. Emboldened, subsequent NCKU presidents have refused to remedy, or apologize for, human rights violations.
Instead, in March and May of this year, on NCKU's official web page, current president Hwung-Hweng Hwung and Secretary-General Chen C. C. Chen, repeated false accusations against me as facts and whitewashed my illegal dismissal as a "discontinued employment." One of them contested NCKU's dismissal action when in the Teachers Union but now claims no illegal dismissal occurred. "When the butt changes, the head changes," as the Chinese proverb says.
Though many matriculated or taught at US universities where they enjoyed equal rights under the law, NCKU's faculty remain silent about the case, despite my numerous petitions. Instead, over thirteen years, only three sent private emails, expressing sympathy. "In the end, we will remember not the words of our enemies, but the silence of our friends" (Martin Luther King, Jr.).
Tainan's prosecutor dismissed my libel complaint against FLLD review members on the basis the false accusations did not circulate outside the university. But all statutes I know state a falsehood is defamatory if one other person reads or hears it. To add salt to the wound, NCKU used my libel suit to claim, in a dismissal action, I spread rumors about the university.
The student was not punished, on the claim her letter did not cause my dismissal, though it was circulated for that purpose. Now she teaches at NCKU, none the worse for her defamatory letter. The Dean of Student Affairs, who ignored my repeated petitions to punish the student, later assumed an advisory role at the MOE.
The court declined to award punitive and compensatory damages, as are routine in other democracies, but simply told NCKU to reinstate me. It's like telling a kidnapper to return the child or a bank robber to return the money, without penalty.
Not a single person involved in my illegal dismissal was called to account for it. A lack of deterrent rulings will compromise democracy, or at least foreigners, hence foreign exchanges, here. Only a vocal protest by the international community will insure change in Taiwan's treatment of foreigners.
What if US courts treated Taiwanese plaintiffs the same way? Vocal protests over the recent taekwondo incident indicate Taiwanese would not be silent as they are in my case.
Though a few Chinese-language newspapers published the case, it was as a human interest item, not a human rights report. As if there was no right and wrong side, just two sides; a case of arbitration, not justice.
This seems to have been the view of the courts, which mediated a compromise rather than rule on principles of law. They had to uphold a Ministry ruling but also had to protect the dignity of Taiwanese against the rights of a foreigner.
Hence the lack of compensatory, punitive, and remedial judgments. A tribal culture relies on arbitration, but a democracy must use principles of law, legitimated in routine court rulings. But in Taiwan, democracy is enjoyed as a franchise, not enforced as a framework of rights.
Though I have repeatedly petitioned the English-language press to expose this case, I've been ignored. They prefer to expose abuses in Mainland China rather than abuses in Taiwan. Writing editorials about the lack of human rights in Mainland China will not advance human rights in Taiwan.
If Taiwan's press has ignored my officially documented case, what other human rights issues have they ignored? This bodes ill for Taiwan's own citizens. For "Our lives begin to end the day we become silent about things that matter" (Martin Luther King, Jr.).
Taiwan's human rights groups have proved useless. If a case of a major university guilty of egregious human rights abuses doesn't incite their commitment one wonders what will.
When NCKU students were indicted for illegally sharing files, Taiwan's lawyers promptly volunteered pro bono assistance. But not a single lawyer has volunteered to accept my case on a pro bono basis.
Presumably illegally downloading files is a good ("pro bono") cause while an American professor who is discriminated against by a major Taiwan university is not a good cause. Someone should tell Taiwan's legal profession to get its priorities straight if Taiwan is to be taken seriously by the international community.
A slogan of the US Counterculture movement in the 1960s was, "Democracy is not something you have, it's something you do." Taiwanese must learn to do democracy every day, in issues small and great, whether it's a crosswalk for schoolchildren or human rights at a university.
In the Middle East and in Mainland China citizens stand up for rights at great risk. But in Taiwan educated faculty refuse to challenge an unjust administration.
The censored media in Mainland China find means to expose human rights issues, while the so-called "free press" in Taiwan will not expose my case. Yet those in China risk imprisonment and torture, while those in Taiwan risk nothing. (Cf. http://rdca45b.blogspot.com/search/label/Silence%20of%20the%20Lambs).
Taiwan tends to inculturate Western values, fitting them to its own ways. Despite democratic principles of law, relationships decide if those principles are enforced.
The case at NCKU is a case in point. Under the circumstances, is it a wonder some Americans have become indifferent to Taiwan's democracy?
Sincerely,
Richard de Canio
Formerly, Associate Professor
Department of Foreign Languages and Literature
National Cheng Kung University
Tainan, Taiwan
3 December 2011
Colleagues,
In June 1999 I was dismissed from the Department of Foreign Languages and Literature (FLLD) at National Cheng Kung University (NCKU) in Tainan, Taiwan. When the Teachers Union warned the dismissal was illegal, a student's defamatory letter was solicited by FLLD's chair and secretly circulated at so-called oversight hearings.
In December 1999 my dismissal was canceled. But this was a ruse, presumably to delay the case to insure my departure. The Appeals Committee ruled, against appellate logic, I should be reviewed again.
After my second appeal, the committee ruled the university didn't need a reason to dismiss a foreigner, so upheld my dismissal. Though I won an appeal in a Ministry of Education (MOE) ruling dated 8 January 2001 (attached), the university defied it for nearly two and a half years, despite MOE's ten warning letters (attached) and two letters from Scholars at Risk, an international human rights group. Instead NCKU contested the ruling in court, claiming foreigners had no right to appeal, though the university held appeal hearings and participated at the MOE appeal!
The court upheld the MOE ruling (October 2002), but NCKU officials threatened to appeal indefinitely unless I resigned. The MOE's warning letters forced the university to reinstate me in May 2003, but it held punitive hearings against me, as if MOE's ruling had no legal effect. The MOE declared the hearings illegal.
This case involves more than a few NCKU officials. Though NCKU president Kao Chiang defied an MOE ruling, he was approved by the MOE for another three-year term. Emboldened, subsequent NCKU presidents have refused to remedy, or apologize for, human rights violations.
Instead, in March and May of this year, on NCKU's official web page, current president Hwung-Hweng Hwung and Secretary-General Chen C. C. Chen, repeated false accusations against me as facts and whitewashed my illegal dismissal as a "discontinued employment." One of them contested NCKU's dismissal action when in the Teachers Union but now claims no illegal dismissal occurred. "When the butt changes, the head changes," as the Chinese proverb says.
Though many matriculated or taught at US universities where they enjoyed equal rights under the law, NCKU's faculty remain silent about the case, despite my numerous petitions. Instead, over thirteen years, only three sent private emails, expressing sympathy. "In the end, we will remember not the words of our enemies, but the silence of our friends" (Martin Luther King, Jr.).
Tainan's prosecutor dismissed my libel complaint against FLLD review members on the basis the false accusations did not circulate outside the university. But all statutes I know state a falsehood is defamatory if one other person reads or hears it. To add salt to the wound, NCKU used my libel suit to claim, in a dismissal action, I spread rumors about the university.
The student was not punished, on the claim her letter did not cause my dismissal, though it was circulated for that purpose. Now she teaches at NCKU, none the worse for her defamatory letter. The Dean of Student Affairs, who ignored my repeated petitions to punish the student, later assumed an advisory role at the MOE.
The court declined to award punitive and compensatory damages, as are routine in other democracies, but simply told NCKU to reinstate me. It's like telling a kidnapper to return the child or a bank robber to return the money, without penalty.
Not a single person involved in my illegal dismissal was called to account for it. A lack of deterrent rulings will compromise democracy, or at least foreigners, hence foreign exchanges, here. Only a vocal protest by the international community will insure change in Taiwan's treatment of foreigners.
What if US courts treated Taiwanese plaintiffs the same way? Vocal protests over the recent taekwondo incident indicate Taiwanese would not be silent as they are in my case.
Though a few Chinese-language newspapers published the case, it was as a human interest item, not a human rights report. As if there was no right and wrong side, just two sides; a case of arbitration, not justice.
This seems to have been the view of the courts, which mediated a compromise rather than rule on principles of law. They had to uphold a Ministry ruling but also had to protect the dignity of Taiwanese against the rights of a foreigner.
Hence the lack of compensatory, punitive, and remedial judgments. A tribal culture relies on arbitration, but a democracy must use principles of law, legitimated in routine court rulings. But in Taiwan, democracy is enjoyed as a franchise, not enforced as a framework of rights.
Though I have repeatedly petitioned the English-language press to expose this case, I've been ignored. They prefer to expose abuses in Mainland China rather than abuses in Taiwan. Writing editorials about the lack of human rights in Mainland China will not advance human rights in Taiwan.
If Taiwan's press has ignored my officially documented case, what other human rights issues have they ignored? This bodes ill for Taiwan's own citizens. For "Our lives begin to end the day we become silent about things that matter" (Martin Luther King, Jr.).
Taiwan's human rights groups have proved useless. If a case of a major university guilty of egregious human rights abuses doesn't incite their commitment one wonders what will.
When NCKU students were indicted for illegally sharing files, Taiwan's lawyers promptly volunteered pro bono assistance. But not a single lawyer has volunteered to accept my case on a pro bono basis.
Presumably illegally downloading files is a good ("pro bono") cause while an American professor who is discriminated against by a major Taiwan university is not a good cause. Someone should tell Taiwan's legal profession to get its priorities straight if Taiwan is to be taken seriously by the international community.
A slogan of the US Counterculture movement in the 1960s was, "Democracy is not something you have, it's something you do." Taiwanese must learn to do democracy every day, in issues small and great, whether it's a crosswalk for schoolchildren or human rights at a university.
In the Middle East and in Mainland China citizens stand up for rights at great risk. But in Taiwan educated faculty refuse to challenge an unjust administration.
The censored media in Mainland China find means to expose human rights issues, while the so-called "free press" in Taiwan will not expose my case. Yet those in China risk imprisonment and torture, while those in Taiwan risk nothing. (Cf. http://rdca45b.blogspot.com/search/label/Silence%20of%20the%20Lambs).
Taiwan tends to inculturate Western values, fitting them to its own ways. Despite democratic principles of law, relationships decide if those principles are enforced.
The case at NCKU is a case in point. Under the circumstances, is it a wonder some Americans have become indifferent to Taiwan's democracy?
Sincerely,
Richard de Canio
Formerly, Associate Professor
Department of Foreign Languages and Literature
National Cheng Kung University
Tainan, Taiwan
Tuesday, November 29, 2011
Letter to the Journal and Courier
29 November 2011
Dear Journal and Courier,
Purdue University currently maintains academic exchanges with National Cheng Kung University in Tainan, Taiwan, despite its documented dismal human rights record and discriminatory policies against American ("foreign") professors.
While teaching there, I was illegally dismissed. When I appealed, my dismissal was canceled, but this was a delay tactic, perhaps in hopes my visa would expire and I would be forced to leave the country. For the university refused to reinstate me. So I appealed again.
Now the university argued "foreign" teachers were not protected by the Teachers Law, which insures contractual renewal for teachers. When I won an appeal at the Ministry of Education the university argued "foreigners" had no right to appeal, though the university held appeal hearings and participated at the MOE appeal! So it defied the MOE ruling for nearly two and a half years, despite ten warning letters from the MOE (attached).
In the meantime it contested the ruling in court and repeated its discriminatory claim that "foreigners" were not protected by Taiwan's Teachers Law, a claim rejected by the court and the MOE (attached). Even after it was forced to honor that ruling it held bogus "hearings" and imposed penalties against me, reversed by the MOE.
Despite official rulings and letters (attached), the university, on its official web page, currently whitewashes my illegal dismissal as "discontinued employment" and claims "legal procedures were carefully observed." This was signed by current NCKU president, Hwung-Hweng Hwung (attached). This whitewash clearly contradicts the MOE Appeal Ruling (attached): "[T]he Appeals Committee’s decision violated the law and was wrong" (trans.).
Nor is this an issue of one rogue university president. The case involves several NCKU presidents, all of whom ignored the rights of an American professor, including Cheng-I Weng, Kao Chiang, and Michael Ming-Chiao Lai. Though many NCKU faculty were accredited by US universities and guaranteed equal protection under the law while matriculated in the US, and despite my repeated appeals for their assistance, they have not petitioned on my behalf.
I don't see how, under the circumstances, Purdue University can, or should, maintain academic exchanges with NCKU. Apart from my case, a university that brazenly defies laws and published rulings, and a faculty silent about such misconduct, has undermined its academic status, guaranteed only through adequate institutional oversight, which, as the MOE ruling states, was clearly lacking in the handling of my case: "It should specifically be pointed out that regarding the protection of the teacher’s legal rights in this dismissal case, the handling of this case by the university’s three-level Review Committees and Appeals Committee makes it hard to conclude it was without flaws" (trans; attached).
I've contacted the president of Purdue University, France A. Córdova; Purdue's Board of Regents; and the Indiana State Board of Education about this issue, to no avail. Instead, despite strongly documented attachments, I received a single response from a Purdue official:
7/25/09
Dear Professor Canio,
Thank you for your email.
Although I empathize with you, this institution is not in the position to comment on your statements.
Sincerely,
[Name redacted]
As we have seen in the recent cases of Penn State and Syracuse University, the priority of academic institutions seems to be to protect its own interests first, regardless of human rights issues involved.
Sincerely,
Richard de Canio
Tainan, Taiwan
Dear Journal and Courier,
Purdue University currently maintains academic exchanges with National Cheng Kung University in Tainan, Taiwan, despite its documented dismal human rights record and discriminatory policies against American ("foreign") professors.
While teaching there, I was illegally dismissed. When I appealed, my dismissal was canceled, but this was a delay tactic, perhaps in hopes my visa would expire and I would be forced to leave the country. For the university refused to reinstate me. So I appealed again.
Now the university argued "foreign" teachers were not protected by the Teachers Law, which insures contractual renewal for teachers. When I won an appeal at the Ministry of Education the university argued "foreigners" had no right to appeal, though the university held appeal hearings and participated at the MOE appeal! So it defied the MOE ruling for nearly two and a half years, despite ten warning letters from the MOE (attached).
In the meantime it contested the ruling in court and repeated its discriminatory claim that "foreigners" were not protected by Taiwan's Teachers Law, a claim rejected by the court and the MOE (attached). Even after it was forced to honor that ruling it held bogus "hearings" and imposed penalties against me, reversed by the MOE.
Despite official rulings and letters (attached), the university, on its official web page, currently whitewashes my illegal dismissal as "discontinued employment" and claims "legal procedures were carefully observed." This was signed by current NCKU president, Hwung-Hweng Hwung (attached). This whitewash clearly contradicts the MOE Appeal Ruling (attached): "[T]he Appeals Committee’s decision violated the law and was wrong" (trans.).
Nor is this an issue of one rogue university president. The case involves several NCKU presidents, all of whom ignored the rights of an American professor, including Cheng-I Weng, Kao Chiang, and Michael Ming-Chiao Lai. Though many NCKU faculty were accredited by US universities and guaranteed equal protection under the law while matriculated in the US, and despite my repeated appeals for their assistance, they have not petitioned on my behalf.
I don't see how, under the circumstances, Purdue University can, or should, maintain academic exchanges with NCKU. Apart from my case, a university that brazenly defies laws and published rulings, and a faculty silent about such misconduct, has undermined its academic status, guaranteed only through adequate institutional oversight, which, as the MOE ruling states, was clearly lacking in the handling of my case: "It should specifically be pointed out that regarding the protection of the teacher’s legal rights in this dismissal case, the handling of this case by the university’s three-level Review Committees and Appeals Committee makes it hard to conclude it was without flaws" (trans; attached).
I've contacted the president of Purdue University, France A. Córdova; Purdue's Board of Regents; and the Indiana State Board of Education about this issue, to no avail. Instead, despite strongly documented attachments, I received a single response from a Purdue official:
7/25/09
Dear Professor Canio,
Thank you for your email.
Although I empathize with you, this institution is not in the position to comment on your statements.
Sincerely,
[Name redacted]
As we have seen in the recent cases of Penn State and Syracuse University, the priority of academic institutions seems to be to protect its own interests first, regardless of human rights issues involved.
Sincerely,
Richard de Canio
Tainan, Taiwan
Fwd: Regarding Human Rights Abuses at a Taiwan Exchange University
---------- Forwarded message ----------
From: Richard John <rdca25@gmail.com>
Date: Sat, Nov 19, 2011 at 10:36 PM
Subject:
To: webmaster@doe.in.gov
Cc: ienmary@aol.com, jennifers@che.in.gov, kens@che.in.gov, info@indianahumanities.org, nconner@indianahumanities.org, pbates@umich.edu, emimms@umich.edu, todd.zoellick@ed.gov, kristine.cohn@ed.gov
Indiana Department of Education
Dr. Tony Bennett, Superintendent of Public Instruction
Statehouse, Room 229
Indianapolis, IN 46204-2795
Phone: (317) 232-6610
Fax: (317) 232-6610
Email: webmaster@doe.in.gov
Website: http://www.doe.in.gov
To State Education Agency (State Department of Education),
19 November 2011
Dear Indiana Department of Education,
I sent a previous email to your agency, dated July 6, 2011, addressed to superintendent@doe.in.gov, but, to my knowledge received no reply except the following:
Thank you for contacting the Indiana Department of Education (IDOE). Due to a high volume of messages received you may encounter a response time that is a bit longer than that to which you are accustomed. However, members of the IDOE's staff will work hard to respond with thorough answers to your questions as quickly as possible. Thank you in advance for your patience.
As it turns out I am still awaiting "thorough answers" "as quickly as possible."
I have contacted Purdue University, including its president and Board of Regents, concerning its academic exchanges with National Cheng Kung University, in Tainan, Taiwan. I documented numerous human rights abuses committed by that university, but received no satisfactory reply. One Purdue official sent me a dismissive email:
7/25/09 Dear Professor Canio, Thank you for your email. Although I empathize with you, this institution is not in the position to comment on your statements. Sincerely,
I am a US citizen. The abuses at National Cheng Kung University are documented in government and court rulings (attached). The university effected my illegal dismissal, maintained "foreign" faculty were not protected by Taiwan's Teachers Law, then deviously held appeal hearings without legal benefit. After losing an appeal at Taiwan's Ministry of Education, it then argued foreign faculty had no right to appeal.
The Ministry sent ten letters over nearly two and a half years, warning the university to comply with the law (attached), which the university ignored until May, 2003 following a court ruling against it. Even then it defiantly held "hearings" against me as if the Ministry of Education ruling had no legal effect, and imposed penalties, subsequently declared illegal and canceled by the MOE.
In a revisionist ploy, as if the MOE ruling did not exist, as late as this year the university claimed, on its official web page, signed by the university president and Secretary-General, that, despite MOE and court rulings (attached), no illegal dismissal or human rights violations occurred, while it repeated accusations against me as if they were facts rather than malicious accusations formally rejected by the Ministry of Education.
How can an American university maintain academic exchanges with a university that brazenly scorns human rights and even fair play (participating in an appeal process but not honoring its ruling)? Surely academic exchanges should involve international principles of human rights and collegial respect, not mere monetary interests.
By those principles, endorsed by both the US and Taiwan governments, National Cheng Kung University is a rogue institution, administered outside the rights and protections of those principles. Assuming those principles are respected, an American university should not, in good faith, maintain academic exchanges with such a university.
I believe the same federal protection of human rights that pertains to our national colleges and universities should apply to academic exchanges abroad. In respect of this, I am formally requesting that the Indiana Department of Education insure a termination of academic exchanges that National Cheng Kung University currently enjoys with Purdue University.
Thank you for your consideration of this petition.
Sincerely,
Richard de Canio
(Formerly Associate Professor
National Cheng Kung University)
2 University Road
Alley 18
#508
Tainan, Taiwan
886-06-237 8626
From: Richard John <rdca25@gmail.com>
Date: Sat, Nov 19, 2011 at 10:36 PM
Subject:
To: webmaster@doe.in.gov
Cc: ienmary@aol.com, jennifers@che.in.gov, kens@che.in.gov, info@indianahumanities.org, nconner@indianahumanities.org, pbates@umich.edu, emimms@umich.edu, todd.zoellick@ed.gov, kristine.cohn@ed.gov
Indiana Department of Education
Dr. Tony Bennett, Superintendent of Public Instruction
Statehouse, Room 229
Indianapolis, IN 46204-2795
Phone: (317) 232-6610
Fax: (317) 232-6610
Email: webmaster@doe.in.gov
Website: http://www.doe.in.gov
To State Education Agency (State Department of Education),
19 November 2011
Dear Indiana Department of Education,
I sent a previous email to your agency, dated July 6, 2011, addressed to superintendent@doe.in.gov, but, to my knowledge received no reply except the following:
Thank you for contacting the Indiana Department of Education (IDOE). Due to a high volume of messages received you may encounter a response time that is a bit longer than that to which you are accustomed. However, members of the IDOE's staff will work hard to respond with thorough answers to your questions as quickly as possible. Thank you in advance for your patience.
As it turns out I am still awaiting "thorough answers" "as quickly as possible."
I have contacted Purdue University, including its president and Board of Regents, concerning its academic exchanges with National Cheng Kung University, in Tainan, Taiwan. I documented numerous human rights abuses committed by that university, but received no satisfactory reply. One Purdue official sent me a dismissive email:
7/25/09 Dear Professor Canio, Thank you for your email. Although I empathize with you, this institution is not in the position to comment on your statements. Sincerely,
I am a US citizen. The abuses at National Cheng Kung University are documented in government and court rulings (attached). The university effected my illegal dismissal, maintained "foreign" faculty were not protected by Taiwan's Teachers Law, then deviously held appeal hearings without legal benefit. After losing an appeal at Taiwan's Ministry of Education, it then argued foreign faculty had no right to appeal.
The Ministry sent ten letters over nearly two and a half years, warning the university to comply with the law (attached), which the university ignored until May, 2003 following a court ruling against it. Even then it defiantly held "hearings" against me as if the Ministry of Education ruling had no legal effect, and imposed penalties, subsequently declared illegal and canceled by the MOE.
In a revisionist ploy, as if the MOE ruling did not exist, as late as this year the university claimed, on its official web page, signed by the university president and Secretary-General, that, despite MOE and court rulings (attached), no illegal dismissal or human rights violations occurred, while it repeated accusations against me as if they were facts rather than malicious accusations formally rejected by the Ministry of Education.
How can an American university maintain academic exchanges with a university that brazenly scorns human rights and even fair play (participating in an appeal process but not honoring its ruling)? Surely academic exchanges should involve international principles of human rights and collegial respect, not mere monetary interests.
By those principles, endorsed by both the US and Taiwan governments, National Cheng Kung University is a rogue institution, administered outside the rights and protections of those principles. Assuming those principles are respected, an American university should not, in good faith, maintain academic exchanges with such a university.
I believe the same federal protection of human rights that pertains to our national colleges and universities should apply to academic exchanges abroad. In respect of this, I am formally requesting that the Indiana Department of Education insure a termination of academic exchanges that National Cheng Kung University currently enjoys with Purdue University.
Thank you for your consideration of this petition.
Sincerely,
Richard de Canio
(Formerly Associate Professor
National Cheng Kung University)
2 University Road
Alley 18
#508
Tainan, Taiwan
886-06-237 8626
Fwd: Regarding Human Rights Abuses at National Cheng Kung University, a Purdue exchange university
---------- Forwarded message ----------
From: Richard John <rdca25@gmail.com>
Date: Tue, Nov 22, 2011 at 10:43 PM
Subject: Regarding Human Rights Abuses at National Cheng Kung University, a Purdue exchange university
To: editor@purdueexponent.org, features@purdueexponent.org, newsadviser@purdueexponent.org, help@purdueexponent.org
Cc: webmaster@doe.in.gov, ienmary@aol.com, jennifers@che.in.gov, kens@che.in.gov, info@indianahumanities.org, nconner@indianahumanities.org, pbates@umich.edu, emimms@umich.edu, todd.zoellick@ed.gov, kristine.cohn@ed.gov, trustees@purdue.edu, president@purdue.edu
22 November 2011
Dear Purdue Exponent,
I've contacted the president of Purdue University, France A. Córdova; Purdue's Board of Regents; and the Indiana State Board of Education about long-standing human rights issues with Purdue's exchange university, National Cheng Kung University (NCKU), but to no avail.
AfterTaiwan's Ministry of Education (MOE) reversed my illegal dismissal, NCKU refused to enforce that ruling for nearly two and a half years, despite ten warning letters from the MOE spelling out human rights principles (attached).
Though NCKU participated in the appeal, and held its own bogus appeal hearings, once it lost it argued "foreigners" (I'm American) had no right to appeal. The university has refused to make a formal apology or remedy.
Instead, in March of this year, and despite the plain language of court and MOE rulings (attached), the university whitewashed the illegal dismissal on its official web page, claiming I was "declined for employment renewal" and that "legal procedures were carefully observed." This was signed by current NCKU president, Hwung-Hweng Hwung. Yet the MOE plainly stated the dismissal was "not done through legal dismissal procedures" (attached).
I don't believe Purdue, or other US universities, should maintain academic exchanges on a basis of contempt for due process of law, human rights, administrative duplicity, and misrepresentation of facts based on official government rulings (attached). I don't believe American universities should tolerate disrespect of American faculty in Taiwan.
NCKU faculty know of this case. They were protected by rights and laws when they matriculated or taught in our country. But they allow their administration to deny rights to American faculty in Taiwan.
The English-language Taiwan press has ignored my numerous letters, though it's vocal about human rights abuses in Mainland China.
So far the only reply I've received was from a Purdue official in July, more than two years ago:
7/25/09
Dear Professor Canio,
Thank you for your email.
Although I empathize with you, this institution is not in the position to comment on your statements.
Sincerely,
[Name redacted]
But these email attachments are not "statements." They are official documents proving human rights abuses at NCKU.
Perhaps terminating academic exchanges with NCKU is not an easy decision to make. But neither was exposing sex offenses at Penn State.
Sincerely,
Richard de Canio
Tainan, Taiwan
(886) (06) 237 8626
From: Richard John <rdca25@gmail.com>
Date: Tue, Nov 22, 2011 at 10:43 PM
Subject: Regarding Human Rights Abuses at National Cheng Kung University, a Purdue exchange university
To: editor@purdueexponent.org, features@purdueexponent.org, newsadviser@purdueexponent.org, help@purdueexponent.org
Cc: webmaster@doe.in.gov, ienmary@aol.com, jennifers@che.in.gov, kens@che.in.gov, info@indianahumanities.org, nconner@indianahumanities.org, pbates@umich.edu, emimms@umich.edu, todd.zoellick@ed.gov, kristine.cohn@ed.gov, trustees@purdue.edu, president@purdue.edu
22 November 2011
Dear Purdue Exponent,
I've contacted the president of Purdue University, France A. Córdova; Purdue's Board of Regents; and the Indiana State Board of Education about long-standing human rights issues with Purdue's exchange university, National Cheng Kung University (NCKU), but to no avail.
AfterTaiwan's Ministry of Education (MOE) reversed my illegal dismissal, NCKU refused to enforce that ruling for nearly two and a half years, despite ten warning letters from the MOE spelling out human rights principles (attached).
Though NCKU participated in the appeal, and held its own bogus appeal hearings, once it lost it argued "foreigners" (I'm American) had no right to appeal. The university has refused to make a formal apology or remedy.
Instead, in March of this year, and despite the plain language of court and MOE rulings (attached), the university whitewashed the illegal dismissal on its official web page, claiming I was "declined for employment renewal" and that "legal procedures were carefully observed." This was signed by current NCKU president, Hwung-Hweng Hwung. Yet the MOE plainly stated the dismissal was "not done through legal dismissal procedures" (attached).
I don't believe Purdue, or other US universities, should maintain academic exchanges on a basis of contempt for due process of law, human rights, administrative duplicity, and misrepresentation of facts based on official government rulings (attached). I don't believe American universities should tolerate disrespect of American faculty in Taiwan.
NCKU faculty know of this case. They were protected by rights and laws when they matriculated or taught in our country. But they allow their administration to deny rights to American faculty in Taiwan.
The English-language Taiwan press has ignored my numerous letters, though it's vocal about human rights abuses in Mainland China.
So far the only reply I've received was from a Purdue official in July, more than two years ago:
7/25/09
Dear Professor Canio,
Thank you for your email.
Although I empathize with you, this institution is not in the position to comment on your statements.
Sincerely,
[Name redacted]
But these email attachments are not "statements." They are official documents proving human rights abuses at NCKU.
Perhaps terminating academic exchanges with NCKU is not an easy decision to make. But neither was exposing sex offenses at Penn State.
Sincerely,
Richard de Canio
Tainan, Taiwan
(886) (06) 237 8626
Fwd: Regarding the role the Department of Education can play in sanctions of human rights abuses at exchange universities
---------- Forwarded message ----------
From: Richard John <rdca25@gmail.com>
Date: Wed, Nov 23, 2011 at 3:52 PM
Subject: Regarding the role the Department of Education can play in sanctions of human rights abuses at exchange universities
To:
From: Richard John <rdca25@gmail.com>
Date: Wed, Nov 23, 2011 at 3:52 PM
Subject: Regarding the role the Department of Education can play in sanctions of human rights abuses at exchange universities
To:
23 November 2011
Dear Department of Education,
I wish to inform you of long-standing human rights abuses at National Cheng Kung University (NCKU) so federal or state funds will be allocated to universities that honor human rights and respect for American professors.
Although Taiwan's Ministry of Education (MOE) reversed my illegal dismissal, NCKU refused to enforce that ruling for nearly two and a half years, despite ten warning letters from the MOE spelling out human rights principles (attached).
Though NCKU participated in the appeal, and held its own bogus appeal hearings, once it lost it argued "foreigners" (I'm American) had no right to appeal. The university has refused to make a formal apology or remedy.
Instead, in March of this year, and despite court and MOE rulings (attached), the university whitewashed the illegal dismissal on its official web page, claiming I was "declined for employment renewal" and that "legal procedures were carefully observed." This was signed by current NCKU president, Hwung-Hweng Hwung. Yet the MOE plainly stated the dismissal was "not done through legal dismissal procedures" (attached).
A US Department of Education should not support academic exchanges with a university that has documented human rights abuses, particularly against an American professor.
NCKU faculty know of this case. They were protected by rights and laws when they matriculated or taught in our country. But they allow their administration to deny rights to American faculty in Taiwan. The English-language Taiwan press has ignored my numerous letters, though it's vocal about human rights abuses in Mainland China.
Perhaps terminating, suspending, or interdicting academic exchanges with NCKU is not an easy decision to make. But neither was exposing sex offenses at Penn State.
Sincerely,
Richard de Canio
Tainan, Taiwan
(886) (06) 237 8626
Dear Department of Education,
I wish to inform you of long-standing human rights abuses at National Cheng Kung University (NCKU) so federal or state funds will be allocated to universities that honor human rights and respect for American professors.
Although Taiwan's Ministry of Education (MOE) reversed my illegal dismissal, NCKU refused to enforce that ruling for nearly two and a half years, despite ten warning letters from the MOE spelling out human rights principles (attached).
Though NCKU participated in the appeal, and held its own bogus appeal hearings, once it lost it argued "foreigners" (I'm American) had no right to appeal. The university has refused to make a formal apology or remedy.
Instead, in March of this year, and despite court and MOE rulings (attached), the university whitewashed the illegal dismissal on its official web page, claiming I was "declined for employment renewal" and that "legal procedures were carefully observed." This was signed by current NCKU president, Hwung-Hweng Hwung. Yet the MOE plainly stated the dismissal was "not done through legal dismissal procedures" (attached).
A US Department of Education should not support academic exchanges with a university that has documented human rights abuses, particularly against an American professor.
NCKU faculty know of this case. They were protected by rights and laws when they matriculated or taught in our country. But they allow their administration to deny rights to American faculty in Taiwan. The English-language Taiwan press has ignored my numerous letters, though it's vocal about human rights abuses in Mainland China.
Perhaps terminating, suspending, or interdicting academic exchanges with NCKU is not an easy decision to make. But neither was exposing sex offenses at Penn State.
Sincerely,
Richard de Canio
Tainan, Taiwan
(886) (06) 237 8626
Fwd: Regarding Taiwan's Democracy
---------- Forwarded message ----------
From: Richard John <rdca25@gmail.com>
Date: Sat, Nov 26, 2011 at 4:57 PM
Subject: Regarding Taiwan's Democracy
To: hsiao@project2049.net
Cc: edun@jamestown.org, project2049@project2049.net, tahr@seed.net.tw, tfd@taiwandemocracy.org.tw, hefpp@hef.org.tw, scholarsatrisk@nyu.edu, higher@mail.moe.gov.tw, peu03@mail.gio.gov.tw, lchsiao@taiwandemocracy.org.tw, moemail@mail.moe.gov.tw, david92@mail.moe.gov.tw, letters@taipeitimes.com, editor@it.chinatimes.com.tw, edop@etaiwannews.com, editor@etaiwannews.com, info@chinapost.com.tw, info@taipeitimes.com, louwei.chen@msa.hinet.net, Control Yuan <cymail@ms.cy.gov.tw>, Prime Minister <eyemail@eyemail.gio.gov.tw>
26 November 2011
Dear Dr. Hsiao,
In reply to your article in The Taipei Times (http://www.taipeitimes.com/News/editorials/archives/2011/11/26/2003519231/1), I would like to comment that democracy, like charity begins at home.
It is true enough that Mainland China (or "China," as independence advocates prefer) has a dismal human rights record and the English-language press in Taiwan frequently editorializes on this fact. However this same press is not too eager to expose human rights abuses that occur in Taiwan.
For years I have been sending letters to the three or four English-language newspapers, trying in vain to expose human rights abuses at National Cheng Kung University in Tainan, Taiwan. Yet the case involves egregious human rights issues at Taiwan's fourth-ranked university.
One would think, if democracy was of primary concern in Taiwan, that this case would have been exposed almost immediately, especially since it involves a high-ranked university here and numerous high-ranked university officials, including several university presidents, who have refused to address issues in the case and one of whom defied a legal Ministry ruling for nearly two and a half years.
In 1999, I was illegally dismissed from the university. When original accusations against me were challenged by members of NCKU's Teachers Union, since they were neither investigated nor proved and I wasn't even informed of the accusations before my dismissal, a secret letter was circulated at subsequent so-called "review" and "appeal" hearings to insure my dismissal.
How, in a "democracy," a secret letter can insure someone's dismissal is beyond belief, especially since committee chairs refused to divulge the contents of the letter, which I saw only years later when I took the student to court. It turned out the student said, without proof, I failed her unfairly in a class eight years before (the same year I gave her three high passing grades in two classes).
NCKU's Teachers Union repeatedly warned the administration of human rights abuses, to no avail. Several months later, in December, 1999, my dismissal was canceled. But this was a dilatory tactic, presumably hoping to delay the case long enough so I would give up or be forced to leave Taiwan.
Though the case was canceled, my reinstatement was suspended indefinitely. This was illegal since every appeal guarantees a benefit or it would be pointless to appeal. Even a campus law professor insisted I should go to the personnel office to get my contract, since (and he pointed to a university law text) once a dismissal is canceled reinstatement is automatic. But the university administration would not budge.
After I appealed again in 2000, the university appeals committee upheld the illegal dismissal by ignoring the basis of the dismissal entirely. This decision was based on the bogus legal claim that as an American citizen, I was a "foreigner," and "foreigners" were not protected by Taiwan's Teachers Law, hence could not benefit from an appeal, since the "foreigner" was not guaranteed an automatic contract renewal anyway.
In what democracy in the world does an appellant go through an appeal process only to be told, at the end of it, that it is without benefit? In what democracy in the world would the media ignore this?
Bear in mind that National Cheng Kung University has numerous academic exchanges with American universities, where Taiwan faculty or students are protected equally under American laws. Bear in mind the faculty involved in this decision, or indifferent to it, has many members who matriculated at, or were accredited by, American universities. But, as the Chinese proverb phrases it, "When the butt changes, the head changes."
Finally I appealed to the Ministry of Education, which, in a ruling dated 8 January 2001, canceled the dismissal, bold-facing numerous human rights violations committed by NCKU, and specifically chastising the NCKU Appeals Committee for not following laws and for claiming foreign teachers were not protected by the Teachers Law (attached).
This ruling had no legal effect on NCKU, which ignored it for nearly two and a half years, despite ten warning letters from the MOE (attached). Meanwhile NCKU appealed to the court claiming "foreigners" had no right to appeal.
Even apart from the university's discrimination of foreign faculty, its violation of government laws, and its defiance of a legal Ministry of Education ruling, what reputable institution would contest a decision only after it loses the decision? For that matter, what court would allow it? (From my understanding, the legal principle of estoppel is not recognized in Taiwan.)
Even schoolchildren learn about fair play at very young ages. Yet these officials, including chairs, deans, presidents, and faculty colleagues, many of whom were accredited at American universities, don't observe basic principles of law, human rights, and fair play.
Even after my belated reinstatement in May, 2003, the university continued to harass me with hearings, as if the MOE ruling had no legal effect. It imposed penalties, which were subsequently canceled as illegal by the MOE.
Taiwan's courts did not even see the need to punish the university or to award me compensation for the four-year interruption to my academic career and the immense resources, personal and financial, expended to fight the case. Instead the university was merely told to reinstate me. It's as if a kidnapper is merely told by the court to return a child it has held for four years, with no further penalty against the kidnapper or compensation to the child's parents.
No democracy can endure without strong deterrent rulings. That's why as recently as this year the university whitewashed the illegal dismissal on its official web page, claiming my illegal dismissal was "discontinued employment," that I was "declined for employment renewal" and that "legal procedures were carefully observed." This was signed by current NCKU president, Hwung-Hweng Hwung. Yet the MOE plainly stated the dismissal was "not done through legal dismissal procedures" (MOE ruling, letters, NCKU web page; attached).
My colleagues at National Cheng Kung University, many of whom matriculated at American colleges, have remained silent about the case though I have sent numerous emails requesting assistance. One of them actually published a letter deploring the lack of human rights in Mainland China, but when I emailed him about my case he never replied.
The issue is complicated by the lack of remedial channels common in a democracy. No human rights group has assigned me a pro bono lawyer. The press has virtually censored this case, despite serious issues involved, such as a major university in violation of human rights and in defiance of a legal Ministry ruling.
Local newspapers printed brief items on the case, with no attempt at adversarial journalism. As if there were no right and wrong sides, just two sides.
Taiwan's English-language newspapers have completely ignored the case, perhaps concerned readers might include an enlightened franchise abroad, such as the US Taiwan lobby.
Here is a recent email exchange suggesting de facto censorship at one of the English-language newspapers. The first email, from a reporter presumably nurtured by a more robust Hong Kong democratic press, shows strong interest in a newsworthy event.
But between his first and later emails apparent editorial interference dampened his enthusiasm. The tone of the emails changes after the first of the numbered series below, unedited except to redact names (typography, grammar, and spelling in original):
(1) Mon, May 23, 2011 at 11:28 AM
subject about your case
Professor, Good Morning,
I am a reporter with the English-language [newspaper name omitted], hoping to talk to you over you complaints about your rights being violated by National Chengkung University. Our publisher happens to one one of the recipients of you email message dated May 18, hence this request for further information.
I don't you have phone number and I don't know yor whereabouts, so, if you don't mind, I would like to do a written interview with you, hoping you can answer my question asap (We intend to publish the story tomorrow).
My questions are:
1. Where are you now, and how can we contact you, and do you mind giving us a contact phone no?
2. What are you going to do. Are you going to initiate legal proceedings against National Chengkung Univ. again, or are you going to complain to human rights organizations in this country and overseas?
3. Could you briefly explain how you rights have been violated?
4. As you are calling for the university president to step down, what are you going to do if he refuses to do so? Will you fight to the end?
5. What further actions are you planning?
If you have doubts about my identity as a reporter with the paper, please [newspaper name omitted] managing editor [name omitted], who is in the office from 4 p.m. till midnight on a regular day.
My name, as known in the newsroom, is [omitted].
Thank you for your time,
[Name omitted]
(2) date Mon, May 23, 2011 at 3:56 PM
subject RE: Attachment, for Case at National Cheng Kung University, in Tainan, Taiwan
Dear Professor,
Thank for the documents and your time. I am still working on the article but my boss isn't in the office yet. If and when the paper has a decision as to when we are going to publish it, I'll let you know. BTW, I am Chinese, born in Hongkong, but now a ROC citizen.
[Reporter's name omitted]
(3) date Fri, May 27, 2011 at 11:50 PM
subject Re: Regarding the article on the university
Professer,
I am not a decision-maker at the paper. I only act on orders. I should have told you earlier my editor has told me not to go further for the time being. That's all I can tell you.
I am sorry for not being able to help.
Regards,
[Reporter's name omitted]
Surprisingly, in response to my letters, I received a response from the newspaper's editor, after being ignored for thirteen years:
date Mon, May 30, 2011 at 4:00 PM
subject Re: Regarding the Question of Censorship at [Name omitted] in Taiwan
Dear Sir:
To know more about your protest against the NCKU, our reporter has checked with you, the NCKU administration and the Ministry of Education (MOE).
It is our understanding that the lawsuit between you and the NCKU has been going on for thirteen years.
After discussing with our reporter, we decided to postpone our report until further developments have come out, which will make our report more newsworthy.
We can assure you that there is never any kind of censorship existed in our newspaper and we have never surrendered our journalism to any kind of power.
Best Regards
[Name omitted]
Notice the euphemistic use of language in the above. A fully documented human rights case (see attachments) is referred to as my "protest," as if a rape victim "protests" being raped instead of reporting a serious crime. The case of egregious human rights abuses at a major Taiwan university is denatured as a "lawsuit." What should be a mandatory exposure of this case in a democracy is rationalized on the basis it is not "newsworthy." Instead, the editor awaits "further developments." What further developments can there be if the media don't expose the case? Apparently the US media is obligated to expose the plight of Taiwan but Taiwan's media is not obligated to expose the plight of an American citizen, both involving issues of democracy and human rights.
In Taiwan, whether Sean Connery marches on behalf of Taiwan independence is newsworthy but major human rights violations at a high-ranked university are not newsworthy? How is this different from China's press censorship, or its routine reference to human rights activists as "hooligans"? Confucius said to "Rectify the names" before there can be justice. And my reference to officially documented human rights abuses at NCKU is not a "protest," but a formal complaint, which, in a democracy, should be exposed by a free (that is, adversarial and inquisitorial) press.
(For documented exchanges I had with this newspaper see my entry on my blog at http://rdca45b.blogspot.com/search/label/Case%20Summary. For lettes documenting the history of this case, see my dedicated case blog at http://rdca45b.blogspot.com/search/label/Summary%20History%20of%20Human%20Rights%20Abuses%20at%20NCKU.)
Despite the fact that several NCKU presidents have completely ignored human rights issues in this case and one actually defied a legal Ministry ruling and ten warning letters to enforce that ruling, NCKU presidents continue to congratulate one another on mundane issues such as the donation of a piano, though both presidents involved in this report have ignored my pleas to formally acknowledge human rights abuses and effect formal remedy (
http://news-en.secr.ncku.edu.tw/files/14-1083-85388,r614-1.php). Can a university survive based on piano donations or on human rights enforcement? Can Taiwan democracy in Taiwan flourish under these conditions, regardless what the US does or does not do?
Sincerely,
Richard de Canio
formerly Associate Professor
Department of Foreign Languages and Literature
National Cheng Kung University
Tainan, Taiwan
(886) 06 2378626
From: Richard John <rdca25@gmail.com>
Date: Sat, Nov 26, 2011 at 4:57 PM
Subject: Regarding Taiwan's Democracy
To: hsiao@project2049.net
Cc: edun@jamestown.org, project2049@project2049.net, tahr@seed.net.tw, tfd@taiwandemocracy.org.tw, hefpp@hef.org.tw, scholarsatrisk@nyu.edu, higher@mail.moe.gov.tw, peu03@mail.gio.gov.tw, lchsiao@taiwandemocracy.org.tw, moemail@mail.moe.gov.tw, david92@mail.moe.gov.tw, letters@taipeitimes.com, editor@it.chinatimes.com.tw, edop@etaiwannews.com, editor@etaiwannews.com, info@chinapost.com.tw, info@taipeitimes.com, louwei.chen@msa.hinet.net, Control Yuan <cymail@ms.cy.gov.tw>, Prime Minister <eyemail@eyemail.gio.gov.tw>
26 November 2011
Dear Dr. Hsiao,
In reply to your article in The Taipei Times (http://www.taipeitimes.com/News/editorials/archives/2011/11/26/2003519231/1), I would like to comment that democracy, like charity begins at home.
It is true enough that Mainland China (or "China," as independence advocates prefer) has a dismal human rights record and the English-language press in Taiwan frequently editorializes on this fact. However this same press is not too eager to expose human rights abuses that occur in Taiwan.
For years I have been sending letters to the three or four English-language newspapers, trying in vain to expose human rights abuses at National Cheng Kung University in Tainan, Taiwan. Yet the case involves egregious human rights issues at Taiwan's fourth-ranked university.
One would think, if democracy was of primary concern in Taiwan, that this case would have been exposed almost immediately, especially since it involves a high-ranked university here and numerous high-ranked university officials, including several university presidents, who have refused to address issues in the case and one of whom defied a legal Ministry ruling for nearly two and a half years.
In 1999, I was illegally dismissed from the university. When original accusations against me were challenged by members of NCKU's Teachers Union, since they were neither investigated nor proved and I wasn't even informed of the accusations before my dismissal, a secret letter was circulated at subsequent so-called "review" and "appeal" hearings to insure my dismissal.
How, in a "democracy," a secret letter can insure someone's dismissal is beyond belief, especially since committee chairs refused to divulge the contents of the letter, which I saw only years later when I took the student to court. It turned out the student said, without proof, I failed her unfairly in a class eight years before (the same year I gave her three high passing grades in two classes).
NCKU's Teachers Union repeatedly warned the administration of human rights abuses, to no avail. Several months later, in December, 1999, my dismissal was canceled. But this was a dilatory tactic, presumably hoping to delay the case long enough so I would give up or be forced to leave Taiwan.
Though the case was canceled, my reinstatement was suspended indefinitely. This was illegal since every appeal guarantees a benefit or it would be pointless to appeal. Even a campus law professor insisted I should go to the personnel office to get my contract, since (and he pointed to a university law text) once a dismissal is canceled reinstatement is automatic. But the university administration would not budge.
After I appealed again in 2000, the university appeals committee upheld the illegal dismissal by ignoring the basis of the dismissal entirely. This decision was based on the bogus legal claim that as an American citizen, I was a "foreigner," and "foreigners" were not protected by Taiwan's Teachers Law, hence could not benefit from an appeal, since the "foreigner" was not guaranteed an automatic contract renewal anyway.
In what democracy in the world does an appellant go through an appeal process only to be told, at the end of it, that it is without benefit? In what democracy in the world would the media ignore this?
Bear in mind that National Cheng Kung University has numerous academic exchanges with American universities, where Taiwan faculty or students are protected equally under American laws. Bear in mind the faculty involved in this decision, or indifferent to it, has many members who matriculated at, or were accredited by, American universities. But, as the Chinese proverb phrases it, "When the butt changes, the head changes."
Finally I appealed to the Ministry of Education, which, in a ruling dated 8 January 2001, canceled the dismissal, bold-facing numerous human rights violations committed by NCKU, and specifically chastising the NCKU Appeals Committee for not following laws and for claiming foreign teachers were not protected by the Teachers Law (attached).
This ruling had no legal effect on NCKU, which ignored it for nearly two and a half years, despite ten warning letters from the MOE (attached). Meanwhile NCKU appealed to the court claiming "foreigners" had no right to appeal.
Even apart from the university's discrimination of foreign faculty, its violation of government laws, and its defiance of a legal Ministry of Education ruling, what reputable institution would contest a decision only after it loses the decision? For that matter, what court would allow it? (From my understanding, the legal principle of estoppel is not recognized in Taiwan.)
Even schoolchildren learn about fair play at very young ages. Yet these officials, including chairs, deans, presidents, and faculty colleagues, many of whom were accredited at American universities, don't observe basic principles of law, human rights, and fair play.
Even after my belated reinstatement in May, 2003, the university continued to harass me with hearings, as if the MOE ruling had no legal effect. It imposed penalties, which were subsequently canceled as illegal by the MOE.
Taiwan's courts did not even see the need to punish the university or to award me compensation for the four-year interruption to my academic career and the immense resources, personal and financial, expended to fight the case. Instead the university was merely told to reinstate me. It's as if a kidnapper is merely told by the court to return a child it has held for four years, with no further penalty against the kidnapper or compensation to the child's parents.
No democracy can endure without strong deterrent rulings. That's why as recently as this year the university whitewashed the illegal dismissal on its official web page, claiming my illegal dismissal was "discontinued employment," that I was "declined for employment renewal" and that "legal procedures were carefully observed." This was signed by current NCKU president, Hwung-Hweng Hwung. Yet the MOE plainly stated the dismissal was "not done through legal dismissal procedures" (MOE ruling, letters, NCKU web page; attached).
My colleagues at National Cheng Kung University, many of whom matriculated at American colleges, have remained silent about the case though I have sent numerous emails requesting assistance. One of them actually published a letter deploring the lack of human rights in Mainland China, but when I emailed him about my case he never replied.
The issue is complicated by the lack of remedial channels common in a democracy. No human rights group has assigned me a pro bono lawyer. The press has virtually censored this case, despite serious issues involved, such as a major university in violation of human rights and in defiance of a legal Ministry ruling.
Local newspapers printed brief items on the case, with no attempt at adversarial journalism. As if there were no right and wrong sides, just two sides.
Taiwan's English-language newspapers have completely ignored the case, perhaps concerned readers might include an enlightened franchise abroad, such as the US Taiwan lobby.
Here is a recent email exchange suggesting de facto censorship at one of the English-language newspapers. The first email, from a reporter presumably nurtured by a more robust Hong Kong democratic press, shows strong interest in a newsworthy event.
But between his first and later emails apparent editorial interference dampened his enthusiasm. The tone of the emails changes after the first of the numbered series below, unedited except to redact names (typography, grammar, and spelling in original):
(1) Mon, May 23, 2011 at 11:28 AM
subject about your case
Professor, Good Morning,
I am a reporter with the English-language [newspaper name omitted], hoping to talk to you over you complaints about your rights being violated by National Chengkung University. Our publisher happens to one one of the recipients of you email message dated May 18, hence this request for further information.
I don't you have phone number and I don't know yor whereabouts, so, if you don't mind, I would like to do a written interview with you, hoping you can answer my question asap (We intend to publish the story tomorrow).
My questions are:
1. Where are you now, and how can we contact you, and do you mind giving us a contact phone no?
2. What are you going to do. Are you going to initiate legal proceedings against National Chengkung Univ. again, or are you going to complain to human rights organizations in this country and overseas?
3. Could you briefly explain how you rights have been violated?
4. As you are calling for the university president to step down, what are you going to do if he refuses to do so? Will you fight to the end?
5. What further actions are you planning?
If you have doubts about my identity as a reporter with the paper, please [newspaper name omitted] managing editor [name omitted], who is in the office from 4 p.m. till midnight on a regular day.
My name, as known in the newsroom, is [omitted].
Thank you for your time,
[Name omitted]
(2) date Mon, May 23, 2011 at 3:56 PM
subject RE: Attachment, for Case at National Cheng Kung University, in Tainan, Taiwan
Dear Professor,
Thank for the documents and your time. I am still working on the article but my boss isn't in the office yet. If and when the paper has a decision as to when we are going to publish it, I'll let you know. BTW, I am Chinese, born in Hongkong, but now a ROC citizen.
[Reporter's name omitted]
(3) date Fri, May 27, 2011 at 11:50 PM
subject Re: Regarding the article on the university
Professer,
I am not a decision-maker at the paper. I only act on orders. I should have told you earlier my editor has told me not to go further for the time being. That's all I can tell you.
I am sorry for not being able to help.
Regards,
[Reporter's name omitted]
Surprisingly, in response to my letters, I received a response from the newspaper's editor, after being ignored for thirteen years:
date Mon, May 30, 2011 at 4:00 PM
subject Re: Regarding the Question of Censorship at [Name omitted] in Taiwan
Dear Sir:
To know more about your protest against the NCKU, our reporter has checked with you, the NCKU administration and the Ministry of Education (MOE).
It is our understanding that the lawsuit between you and the NCKU has been going on for thirteen years.
After discussing with our reporter, we decided to postpone our report until further developments have come out, which will make our report more newsworthy.
We can assure you that there is never any kind of censorship existed in our newspaper and we have never surrendered our journalism to any kind of power.
Best Regards
[Name omitted]
Notice the euphemistic use of language in the above. A fully documented human rights case (see attachments) is referred to as my "protest," as if a rape victim "protests" being raped instead of reporting a serious crime. The case of egregious human rights abuses at a major Taiwan university is denatured as a "lawsuit." What should be a mandatory exposure of this case in a democracy is rationalized on the basis it is not "newsworthy." Instead, the editor awaits "further developments." What further developments can there be if the media don't expose the case? Apparently the US media is obligated to expose the plight of Taiwan but Taiwan's media is not obligated to expose the plight of an American citizen, both involving issues of democracy and human rights.
In Taiwan, whether Sean Connery marches on behalf of Taiwan independence is newsworthy but major human rights violations at a high-ranked university are not newsworthy? How is this different from China's press censorship, or its routine reference to human rights activists as "hooligans"? Confucius said to "Rectify the names" before there can be justice. And my reference to officially documented human rights abuses at NCKU is not a "protest," but a formal complaint, which, in a democracy, should be exposed by a free (that is, adversarial and inquisitorial) press.
(For documented exchanges I had with this newspaper see my entry on my blog at http://rdca45b.blogspot.com/search/label/Case%20Summary. For lettes documenting the history of this case, see my dedicated case blog at http://rdca45b.blogspot.com/search/label/Summary%20History%20of%20Human%20Rights%20Abuses%20at%20NCKU.)
Despite the fact that several NCKU presidents have completely ignored human rights issues in this case and one actually defied a legal Ministry ruling and ten warning letters to enforce that ruling, NCKU presidents continue to congratulate one another on mundane issues such as the donation of a piano, though both presidents involved in this report have ignored my pleas to formally acknowledge human rights abuses and effect formal remedy (
http://news-en.secr.ncku.edu.tw/files/14-1083-85388,r614-1.php). Can a university survive based on piano donations or on human rights enforcement? Can Taiwan democracy in Taiwan flourish under these conditions, regardless what the US does or does not do?
Sincerely,
Richard de Canio
formerly Associate Professor
Department of Foreign Languages and Literature
National Cheng Kung University
Tainan, Taiwan
(886) 06 2378626
Sunday, September 11, 2011
Fwd: URGENT: I strongly urge MOE officials to place this letter directly on the Minister's desk.
---------- Forwarded message ----------
From: Richard John <rdca25@gmail.com>
Date: Thu, Jul 7, 2011 at 8:32 PM
Subject: URGENT: I strongly urge MOE officials to place this letter directly on the Minister's desk.
To: moemail@mail.moe.gov.tw
The Ministry of Education
Taipei, Taiwan
7 July 2011
Dear Ministry,
Since there seems to be confusion on the part of the Ministry of Education whether the case at National Cheng Kung University has been resolved, let me explain things more plainly.
Despite the claim that Taiwan is governed by Law, the Ministry of Education seems to think that anything a university official does is right just because he does it! That is NOT the way law in a democracy works.
Not only did university officials break many laws, but the Ministry of Education even listed those laws in its Ministry ruling of 8 January 2001. So how can a lawful government say, on the one hand, that officials violated laws, but, on the other hand, that officials followed laws?
It doesn't make sense. And a government must make sense.
That means there are laws in Taiwan but not Law, which means the prompt and automatic execution of laws. Would the MOE argue that NCKU's delay of nearly two and a half years before enforcing the MOE ruling of 8 January 2001 was a "prompt and automatic execution of laws," or that the MOE's refusal to punish the officials involved is a "prompt and automatic execution of laws"?
You can check the Ministry ruling yourselves. But I will quote from the English translation of the ten warning letters the Ministry sent to the university over a period of nearly two and a half years when the university defied the Ministry ruling to reinstate me.
On April 6, 2001, the MOE says NCKU "has seriously influenced the appellant's rights." That means my rights were violated.
On May 11, 2001 the MOE writes "The university is urged to do lawful amendment immediately."
Now since exactly two years passed after the warning "to do lawful amendment immediately," one must assume the university acted against the law or that the MOE does not represent the law. Or if the MOE does represent the law but does not enforce the law then there is no Law in Taiwan (that is, "the prompt and automatic execution of laws," which democratic constitutions mandate).
On June 14, 2001 the MOE writes "Procedural justice should be upheld first" and refers to NCKU's "previous improper procedures."
Although MOE officials recently claimed to my NCKU colleague that my contract had to go through a committee approval process and therefore the university did not violate laws, in a letter dated August 7, 2001, the MOE clearly states that "If not being gone through legal dismissal procedures, a teacher's contract is obviously valid."
So what MOE officials are saying today contradicts their own words on June 14, 2001! But even if the MOE's present claim were true, certainly no committee hearing on contract renewal should take two and a half years! If a contract renewal lasted two and a half years then that means all NCKU professors would be out of work for two and a half years every two years! The university would have to shut down or teach on a rotation basis!
In this same letter the MOE says, "The dismissal decision no longer exists." But if the dismissal decision "no longer exists" then there is no need for a contract renewal.
The MOE also refers to NCKU misconduct "so as to damage the teacher's rights" and that NCKU officials "should hold the complete responsibility." Have any officials been held "responsible" since the MOE wrote these words?
Why hasn't the MOE acted on its promise when it wrote, "The MOE will pursue administrative responsibility of related university personnel." That personnel included former university president, Kao Chiang. Why hasn't he been punished, based on the written promise made by the MOE in the letter just quoted?
On October 15, 2002 the MOE warns "The university should immediately start to process the application of contract renewal." But that was not done until May, 2003, nearly two and a half years after the MOE ruling and about seven months after this letter when the MOE used the word "immediately."
If staff in a hospital interpreted the word "immediately" the way NCKU officials do there would be a lot of dead patients. "This patient needs a blood transfusion immediately," and the nurse gives a blood transfusion seven months later, there would be a lot of grieving relatives. Do you think the nurse would go unpunished, even if she delayed for ten minutes?
On March 5, 2003, the MOE asks for the "names of persons having wrongdoings."
By the MOE's own words, NCKU officials were guilty of "wrongdoings." So how can the MOE argue otherwise in July 2011?
Time does not change legal rulings or laws. A murder committed in 1966 is still murder in 2011. Human rights violations committed in 1999 are still human rights violations in 2011, until they've been remedied. Remedy includes penalties, compensation, and apologies.
These Ministry letters don't even address all the human rights violations, such as the malicious letter written by the student, Chen An-chun, who is still employed at our university; the solicitation and/or circulation of that letter by two NCKU officials, Li Chung-hsiung and Lee Chian-er; the defiance of a legal Ministry ruling by former president, Kao Chiang, who not only wasn't punished but was actually approved for another three-year term as president.
In addition, the current university president, Dr. Hwung, and his Secretary-General, Dr. Chen, should both be held accountable for posting on the official NCKU web page that the university followed laws during my illegal dismissal, even suggesting I was "involved" in misconduct that justified my dismissal. Yet the MOE ruling of 8 January 2001 and the ten warning letters quoted here contradict that claim. What culture of arrogance has taken root at National Cheng Kung University thanks, in part, to the failure to execute laws on the part of the Ministry of Education?
The fact that the MOE has not punished a single university official has emboldened NCKU officials with a sense of immunity from administrative penalties and/or prosecution. That's is why we have deterrent rulings in advanced democracies, which include large punitive and compensatory awards, precisely to discourage repeat offenses.
If all a robber risked was returning stolen money that wasn't his to begin with there would be tens of thousands of robberies a day all over Taiwan. If all a rapist risked was paying for a woman's abortion if she became pregnant or hospital fees if she developed AIDS from unprotected intercourse, there would be numerous rapes daily.
In fact, based on what happened in my case, the rapist would not even have to compensate his victim for AIDS so long as she got her pocketbook and clothes back. That's all I got back: my retroactive salary and my job.
If all that university officials risk if they illegally dismiss a colleague is to reinstate that colleague, officials would conspire to dismiss numerous colleagues on mere difference of opinion. What could they lose? They would lose nothing and the colleague would lose four years of his academic career contesting the dismissal without hope of compensation.
My own losses were tangible and back pay does not compensate for them. I lost four years of academic teaching and research. I spent hundreds of thousands of dollars contesting the case, which the university did not compensate. I had to commit four years of my life (and, in fact, thirteen years, as this letter proves) fighting this case. To the present students still tell me they heard the false rumor that I unfairly failed a student and what they heard favored the student's claim (see attachment). Finally, university officials continue to discredit me on the official NCKU web page as late as March and May of 2011.
The larger point is the end result will ultimately disfavor Taiwan's universities and society as a whole. If every professor lived in fear, there could be no standards at a university; since no professor would have the courage to contest the lack of standards at risk of his job. Without standards, universities would be discredited, citizens would lack education, etc.
The Ministry of Education has got to start acting responsibly, as a legitimate government agency, thinking of the long-term future of Taiwan society instead of sacrificing that future for the sake of a few disreputable officials who, if they had been appropriately disciplined years ago, may never have conspired in an illegal dismissal action in the first place.
Presumably because of the Ministry of Education's failure to oversee university officials, and to promptly execute laws to discipline errant officials, these officials became emboldened and have now compromised the Ministry and constrained it to act later rather than sooner.
If this case continues to be exposed, as it will be, it will only embarrass the Ministry of Education, since all the documents are irrefutable evidence that human rights were violated. Regardless what the Ministry of Education decides to do I will work tirelessly with US colleges until I obtain justice according to basic principles of law and international principles of human rights. The future of all Taiwan universities should not be sacrificed for the sake of a few disreputable officials at National Cheng Kung University.
Sincerely,
Richard de Canio
formerly Department of Foreign Languages and Literature
National Cheng Kung University
Tainan, Taiwan
(06) 237 8626
From: Richard John <rdca25@gmail.com>
Date: Thu, Jul 7, 2011 at 8:32 PM
Subject: URGENT: I strongly urge MOE officials to place this letter directly on the Minister's desk.
To: moemail@mail.moe.gov.tw
The Ministry of Education
Taipei, Taiwan
7 July 2011
Dear Ministry,
Since there seems to be confusion on the part of the Ministry of Education whether the case at National Cheng Kung University has been resolved, let me explain things more plainly.
Despite the claim that Taiwan is governed by Law, the Ministry of Education seems to think that anything a university official does is right just because he does it! That is NOT the way law in a democracy works.
Not only did university officials break many laws, but the Ministry of Education even listed those laws in its Ministry ruling of 8 January 2001. So how can a lawful government say, on the one hand, that officials violated laws, but, on the other hand, that officials followed laws?
It doesn't make sense. And a government must make sense.
That means there are laws in Taiwan but not Law, which means the prompt and automatic execution of laws. Would the MOE argue that NCKU's delay of nearly two and a half years before enforcing the MOE ruling of 8 January 2001 was a "prompt and automatic execution of laws," or that the MOE's refusal to punish the officials involved is a "prompt and automatic execution of laws"?
You can check the Ministry ruling yourselves. But I will quote from the English translation of the ten warning letters the Ministry sent to the university over a period of nearly two and a half years when the university defied the Ministry ruling to reinstate me.
On April 6, 2001, the MOE says NCKU "has seriously influenced the appellant's rights." That means my rights were violated.
On May 11, 2001 the MOE writes "The university is urged to do lawful amendment immediately."
Now since exactly two years passed after the warning "to do lawful amendment immediately," one must assume the university acted against the law or that the MOE does not represent the law. Or if the MOE does represent the law but does not enforce the law then there is no Law in Taiwan (that is, "the prompt and automatic execution of laws," which democratic constitutions mandate).
On June 14, 2001 the MOE writes "Procedural justice should be upheld first" and refers to NCKU's "previous improper procedures."
Although MOE officials recently claimed to my NCKU colleague that my contract had to go through a committee approval process and therefore the university did not violate laws, in a letter dated August 7, 2001, the MOE clearly states that "If not being gone through legal dismissal procedures, a teacher's contract is obviously valid."
So what MOE officials are saying today contradicts their own words on June 14, 2001! But even if the MOE's present claim were true, certainly no committee hearing on contract renewal should take two and a half years! If a contract renewal lasted two and a half years then that means all NCKU professors would be out of work for two and a half years every two years! The university would have to shut down or teach on a rotation basis!
In this same letter the MOE says, "The dismissal decision no longer exists." But if the dismissal decision "no longer exists" then there is no need for a contract renewal.
The MOE also refers to NCKU misconduct "so as to damage the teacher's rights" and that NCKU officials "should hold the complete responsibility." Have any officials been held "responsible" since the MOE wrote these words?
Why hasn't the MOE acted on its promise when it wrote, "The MOE will pursue administrative responsibility of related university personnel." That personnel included former university president, Kao Chiang. Why hasn't he been punished, based on the written promise made by the MOE in the letter just quoted?
On October 15, 2002 the MOE warns "The university should immediately start to process the application of contract renewal." But that was not done until May, 2003, nearly two and a half years after the MOE ruling and about seven months after this letter when the MOE used the word "immediately."
If staff in a hospital interpreted the word "immediately" the way NCKU officials do there would be a lot of dead patients. "This patient needs a blood transfusion immediately," and the nurse gives a blood transfusion seven months later, there would be a lot of grieving relatives. Do you think the nurse would go unpunished, even if she delayed for ten minutes?
On March 5, 2003, the MOE asks for the "names of persons having wrongdoings."
By the MOE's own words, NCKU officials were guilty of "wrongdoings." So how can the MOE argue otherwise in July 2011?
Time does not change legal rulings or laws. A murder committed in 1966 is still murder in 2011. Human rights violations committed in 1999 are still human rights violations in 2011, until they've been remedied. Remedy includes penalties, compensation, and apologies.
These Ministry letters don't even address all the human rights violations, such as the malicious letter written by the student, Chen An-chun, who is still employed at our university; the solicitation and/or circulation of that letter by two NCKU officials, Li Chung-hsiung and Lee Chian-er; the defiance of a legal Ministry ruling by former president, Kao Chiang, who not only wasn't punished but was actually approved for another three-year term as president.
In addition, the current university president, Dr. Hwung, and his Secretary-General, Dr. Chen, should both be held accountable for posting on the official NCKU web page that the university followed laws during my illegal dismissal, even suggesting I was "involved" in misconduct that justified my dismissal. Yet the MOE ruling of 8 January 2001 and the ten warning letters quoted here contradict that claim. What culture of arrogance has taken root at National Cheng Kung University thanks, in part, to the failure to execute laws on the part of the Ministry of Education?
The fact that the MOE has not punished a single university official has emboldened NCKU officials with a sense of immunity from administrative penalties and/or prosecution. That's is why we have deterrent rulings in advanced democracies, which include large punitive and compensatory awards, precisely to discourage repeat offenses.
If all a robber risked was returning stolen money that wasn't his to begin with there would be tens of thousands of robberies a day all over Taiwan. If all a rapist risked was paying for a woman's abortion if she became pregnant or hospital fees if she developed AIDS from unprotected intercourse, there would be numerous rapes daily.
In fact, based on what happened in my case, the rapist would not even have to compensate his victim for AIDS so long as she got her pocketbook and clothes back. That's all I got back: my retroactive salary and my job.
If all that university officials risk if they illegally dismiss a colleague is to reinstate that colleague, officials would conspire to dismiss numerous colleagues on mere difference of opinion. What could they lose? They would lose nothing and the colleague would lose four years of his academic career contesting the dismissal without hope of compensation.
My own losses were tangible and back pay does not compensate for them. I lost four years of academic teaching and research. I spent hundreds of thousands of dollars contesting the case, which the university did not compensate. I had to commit four years of my life (and, in fact, thirteen years, as this letter proves) fighting this case. To the present students still tell me they heard the false rumor that I unfairly failed a student and what they heard favored the student's claim (see attachment). Finally, university officials continue to discredit me on the official NCKU web page as late as March and May of 2011.
The larger point is the end result will ultimately disfavor Taiwan's universities and society as a whole. If every professor lived in fear, there could be no standards at a university; since no professor would have the courage to contest the lack of standards at risk of his job. Without standards, universities would be discredited, citizens would lack education, etc.
The Ministry of Education has got to start acting responsibly, as a legitimate government agency, thinking of the long-term future of Taiwan society instead of sacrificing that future for the sake of a few disreputable officials who, if they had been appropriately disciplined years ago, may never have conspired in an illegal dismissal action in the first place.
Presumably because of the Ministry of Education's failure to oversee university officials, and to promptly execute laws to discipline errant officials, these officials became emboldened and have now compromised the Ministry and constrained it to act later rather than sooner.
If this case continues to be exposed, as it will be, it will only embarrass the Ministry of Education, since all the documents are irrefutable evidence that human rights were violated. Regardless what the Ministry of Education decides to do I will work tirelessly with US colleges until I obtain justice according to basic principles of law and international principles of human rights. The future of all Taiwan universities should not be sacrificed for the sake of a few disreputable officials at National Cheng Kung University.
Sincerely,
Richard de Canio
formerly Department of Foreign Languages and Literature
National Cheng Kung University
Tainan, Taiwan
(06) 237 8626
Subscribe to:
Posts (Atom)