Dr. Jonathan Lin
Taiwan Foundation for Democracy
No.4, Alley 17, Lane 147, Sec. 3, Sinyi Rd., Taipei 106, Taiwan
cc: Scholars at Risk, etc.
25 December 2011
Dear Dr. Lin,
For nearly two and a half years National Cheng Kung University president, Kao Chiang, defied a Ministry of Education ruling that overturned my illegal dismissal.
NCKU officials still refuse to remedy, or apologize for, human rights violations. Current president Hwung-Hweng Hwung defiantly whitewashed my illegal dismissal as a "discontinued employment," while his secretariat, Chin-Cheng Chen, repeated false accusations against me as facts (http://news-en.secr.ncku.edu.tw/files/13-1083-78482-1.php; cf. http://rdca45b.blogspot.com/2011/12/4-december-2011-dear-ncku-colleagues-on.html).
Yet the MOE said NCKU "seriously influenced" my "rights" (April 6, 2001), made "improper procedures" (June 14, 2001), and "repeatedly and deviously" interpreted the law (August 17, 2001) (https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiCDpwd8lE2WN5jzfNAvBIP4GTM_j6jC3yuA4Gq2IbLlxGTsQ_9s6MDqEK596XXZLrnI7cADZW_L5Fa-TC5LVbKzkMRjdIsrkpXSmu-6_WTYyShiY91YQ0_pMc860OoEu3GSD8WntXOLdM/s1600/moeLetters10-726356.JPG). Taiwan's Higher Court ruled the dismissal "was not lawful" (16 January 2007) and Tainan's District Court concluded NCKU "violated the law" and the dismissal was "full of wrongdoings" (7 April 2007). (https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiXxA5YqRLRetz1pBDey7do5HdnYdxaDyN52qzQgY1EuF3ezBeq7njDsPF__FbzhHrUtjdU6BeFIomZEnt2R5eOS5Yudr4efrAkudYcpOvGkLzK3KJwuY06Z7WGLbRPr_My38GH_6y1FAQ/s1600/courtRulingsUnderlined.JPG.)
Yet no one was punished. The right to sue government officials is legal show without retribution and compensation.
Tainan's prosecutor dismissed my libel complaint against review members on the claim accusations did not circulate outside the university. But all statutes I know say a falsehood is actionable if one other person reads or hears it.
A student who made defamatory accusations was not punished, on the claim her letter did not cause my dismissal. But it was solicited and secretly circulated at university committees for that purpose.
Though the university defiantly violated laws and interrupted my career for four years, courts issued no penalties or punitive and compensatory damages, routine in other democracies. They just told NCKU to reinstate me, like telling a kidnapper to return the child or a robber to return money, with no penalty.
Taiwan inculturates Western values to suit its ways. It permits the right to sue officials, but prevents punishment of those officials. This is "please and tease" politics, giving with one hand and taking with the other.
Showcasing human rights is not the same as enforcing them. No Taiwan rights group has helped me. Yet the case involves human rights issues at all levels of Taiwan society, including judicial equity, media censorship, and academic integrity.
The fact that NCKU officials and committees defy laws and legal rulings with the toleration of faculty undermines confidence in the university's oversight enforcement, thus the integrity of its grading, promotion, and research.
Awarding honorary degrees is meaningless if a university is itself without honor.
Sincerely,
Richard de Canio
Formerly, Associate Professor
Department of Foreign Languages and Literature
National Cheng Kung University
Tainan, Taiwan
This blog exposes human rights violations committed by National Cheng Kung University in Tainan, Taiwan. Documents are in English and Chinese.
Sunday, December 25, 2011
Friday, December 23, 2011
Letter to Green Island Human Rights Memorial Staff
Green Island Human Rights Memorial Park Staff
23 December 2011
Memorializing human rights abuses in the past is commendable but is no substitute for enforcing human rights in the present.
In 1999, I was illegally dismissed from the Department of Foreign Languages and Literature (FLLD) at National Cheng Kung University (NCKU) in Tainan, Taiwan. The appeal process was a ruse to delay the case, against appellate rights, since the university later claimed I had no right to appeal, though it held numerous appeal hearings and participated at one at the Ministry of Education in Taipei. Thus the university not only defied human rights principles but even principles of fair play that schoolchildren are taught at a young age.
After I won an appeal in a Ministry of Education (MOE) ruling dated 8 January 2001, university president, Kao Chiang, defied it for nearly two and a half years. Yet he was approved by the MOE for another three-year term.
Emboldened, subsequent NCKU presidents have refused to remedy, or apologize for, human rights violations. Instead, in March and May of this year (2011), on NCKU's official web page (http://news-en.secr.ncku.edu.tw/files/13-1083-78482-1.php), current president Hwung-Hweng Hwung whitewashed my illegal dismissal as a "discontinued employment" (http://rdca45b.blogspot.com/ ).
Mr. Hwung asserts "Legal procedures were carefully observed." Yet the MOE warned that NCKU "seriously influenced the appellant's rights" (April 6, 2001), made "previous improper procedures" (June 14, 2001), and cautioned NCKU officials "not to repeatedly and deviously interpret the law" (August 17, 2001) (https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiCDpwd8lE2WN5jzfNAvBIP4GTM_j6jC3yuA4Gq2IbLlxGTsQ_9s6MDqEK596XXZLrnI7cADZW_L5Fa-TC5LVbKzkMRjdIsrkpXSmu-6_WTYyShiY91YQ0_pMc860OoEu3GSD8WntXOLdM/s1600/moeLetters10-726356.JPG). Taiwan's Higher Court similarly ruled the dismissal "was not lawful" (16 January 2007). Tainan's District Court ruled NCKU "violated the law" and the dismissal was "definitely full of wrongdoings" (7 April 2007).
So why doesn't National Cheng Kung University, presumably the fourth-ranked in Taiwan, and with numerous academic exchanges with US universities, admit wrongdoing, hold its officials accountable, and insure compensation instead of whitewashing the illegal dismissal as "discontinued employment"?
I should add that on that same page (http://news-en.secr.ncku.edu.tw/files/13-1083-78482-1.php) current Secretariat, Chin-Cheng Chen, goes beyond whitewashing the university's illegal actions and actually inculpates me in the university's illegal dismissal, as if legal rulings, by the Ministry of Education as well as Taiwan's courts (attached), have no material effect.
Are there laws in Taiwan, or sanctions by the Ministry of Education, that prevent this kind of equivocal, and even defamatory, language by university officials to protect the rights of "foreign" faculty and insure their reputation and dignity in Taiwan? US laws protect Taiwan faculty and students; why doesn't Taiwan's government honor universal principles of human rights in the same way?
Richard de Canio
formerly, Associate Professor
Department of Foreign Languages and Literature
National Cheng Kung University
Tainan, Taiwan
Monday, December 12, 2011
Dr. Jonathan Lin
Taiwan Foundation for Democracy
No.4, Alley 17, Lane 147, Sec. 3, Sinyi Rd., Taipei 106, Taiwan
Professor Dennis Hickey
Department of Political Science
Missouri State University
901 South National Avenue
Springfield, MO 65897
Tsai Ing-wen
Taiwan Presidential Candidate
Scholars at Risk
New York, N.Y.
12 December 2011
Dear Dr. Jonathan Lin,
In June 1999, based on defamatory accusations, I was dismissed from the Department of Foreign Languages and Literature (FLLD) at National Cheng Kung University (NCKU) in Tainan, Taiwan. The appeal process was a ruse to delay the case indefinitely, against appellate rights.
After I won an appeal in a Ministry of Education (MOE) ruling dated 8 January 2001 (attached), the university defied it for nearly two and a half years. The MOE's warning letters (attached) forced the university to reinstate me in May 2003, but it held punitive hearings against me, as if MOE's ruling had no legal effect. The MOE declared the hearings illegal.
Though NCKU president Kao Chiang defied an MOE ruling, he was approved by the MOE for another three-year term. Emboldened, subsequent NCKU presidents have refused to remedy, or apologize for, human rights violations.
Instead, in March and May of this year, on NCKU's official web page, current president Hwung-Hweng Hwung repeated false accusations against me as facts and whitewashed my illegal dismissal as a "discontinued employment" (http://rdca45b.blogspot.com/ ).
Tainan's prosecutor dismissed my libel complaint against FLLD review members on the basis their defamatory accusations did not circulate outside the university. But all statutes I know state a falsehood is defamatory if one other person reads or hears it. Moreover the accusations insured my dismissal. To add salt to the wound, NCKU used my libel suit to claim, in another dismissal action, I spread rumors about the university.
The student was not punished, on the claim her letter did not cause my dismissal, though it was solicited and circulated for that purpose. Moreover her accusations prejudiced students against me more than ten years later (attached). Now she teaches at NCKU, despite her defamatory letter. The Dean of Student Affairs, who ignored repeated petitions to punish the student, later assumed an advisory role at the MOE.
The court declined to award punitive and compensatory damages, as are routine in other democracies, but simply told NCKU to reinstate me. It's like telling a kidnapper to return the child or a bank robber to return the money, without penalty. To this day no one involved in my illegal dismissal has been punished.
Though a few Chinese-language newspapers published the case, it was as a human interest item, not a human rights report. As if human rights were of no concern here. As if there was no right and wrong side, just two sides—a case of arbitration, not justice. As if Taiwan was a tribal society, not a democratic government.
This seems to have been the view of the courts, which mediated a pragmatic compromise rather than rule on principles of law. They upheld a Ministry ruling but also protected the presumed dignity of Taiwanese against the rights of a foreigner.
Hence the lack of compensatory, punitive, and remedial judgments.
In Taiwan democracy is enjoyed as a franchise, not enforced as a framework of rights. A permissive court is not the same as a just court.
The right to file a lawsuit against government officials is meaningless if judicial rulings deny rights rather than enforce them. In that case, a plaintiff's rights are a smokescreen for injustice.
Accountability and compensation are rights enshrined in international human rights charters endorsed by Taiwan. No Taiwan court should be allowed to nullify those rights.
I know of no democratic court in the world that would make similar rulings in these cases. A university repeatedly defied statutory rulings, yet the court found no liability and awarded no punitive or compensatory damages. Review Committee members were found not liable for circulating defamatory accusations that resulted in my dismissal. A student wrote a defamatory accusation that was solicited and circulated precisely to insure my dismissal yet is not found liable. Yes, an American can file a lawsuit in Taiwan's democracy, but can he win?
Recently I was informed by a Taiwanese colleague that he sued an NCKU student for defamatory remarks on the NCKU bulletin board and was awarded NT$150,000 in damages. Yet I could not win damages from a student whose defamatory letter was solicited and circulated to insure my dismissal. Not only wasn't the student punished but she's now teaching at the university!
Presumably no "foreigner" can win a case of this kind against Taiwanese, especially where the reputation of a so-called high-ranked Taiwan university is at stake. If US courts made similar rulings against Taiwanese perhaps there would be a Taiwan awakening.
Taiwanese are incensed at the mere rumor their taekwondo athlete was discriminated against in South Korea, but they remain silent about my case. Yet their children and colleagues enjoy human rights protections in the United States.
NCKU faculty who enjoyed human rights protections while matriculated in the United States are now completely silent about my case, though I have repeatedly emailed them to speak out on my behalf. "In the end we will remember not the words of our enemies, but the silence of our friends" (Martin Luther King, Jr.).
Though I have repeatedly petitioned the English-language press to expose this case, I've been ignored. They prefer to expose abuses in Mainland China rather than abuses in Taiwan. Writing editorials about the lack of human rights in Mainland China will not advance human rights in Taiwan. (For a documented exchange with an English-language newspaper in Taiwan, see my dedicated case blog at http://rdca45b.blogspot.com/search/label/Censorship%20in%20Taiwan%27s%20English-Language%20Press).
Of more general concern is, if Taiwan's press has ignored my officially documented case, what other human rights issues have they ignored in Taiwan? This bodes ill for Taiwan's own citizens. "Our lives begin to end the day we become silent about things that matter" (Martin Luther King, Jr.).
Taiwan's human rights and legal aid groups have proved useless. If a case of a major university guilty of documented human rights abuses doesn't incite their commitment one wonders what will.
When NCKU students were indicted for illegally sharing files, Taiwan's lawyers promptly volunteered pro bono assistance. But not a single lawyer has volunteered to accept my case on a pro bono basis.
Presumably illegally downloading files is a good ("pro bono") cause while an American professor who is discriminated against by a major Taiwan university is not a good cause. Someone should tell Taiwan's legal profession to get its priorities straight if Taiwan is to be taken seriously by the international community.
In the Middle East, on the streets of Moscow, and in Mainland China citizens stand up for rights at great risk. But in Taiwan educated faculty refuse to challenge an unjust administration at no risk except their relationships with colleagues who, based on their misconduct, are not worth having relationships with.
The censored media in Mainland China find means to expose human rights issues, while the so-called "free press" in Taiwan will not expose my case. Yet those in China risk imprisonment and torture, while those in Taiwan risk nothing. (Cf. http://rdca45b.blogspot.com/search/label/Silence%20of%20the%20Lambs).
Is it a wonder some Americans have become indifferent to Taiwan's democracy when Taiwanese seem indifferent to it?
Sincerely,
Richard de Canio
Formerly, Associate Professor
Department of Foreign Languages and Literature
National Cheng Kung University
Tainan, Taiwan
(886) 06 237 8626
PS: For a more complete understanding of events at National Cheng Kung University, consult my dedicated case blog at http://rdca45b.blogspot.com/
Taiwan Foundation for Democracy
No.4, Alley 17, Lane 147, Sec. 3, Sinyi Rd., Taipei 106, Taiwan
Professor Dennis Hickey
Department of Political Science
Missouri State University
901 South National Avenue
Springfield, MO 65897
Tsai Ing-wen
Taiwan Presidential Candidate
Scholars at Risk
New York, N.Y.
12 December 2011
Dear Dr. Jonathan Lin,
In June 1999, based on defamatory accusations, I was dismissed from the Department of Foreign Languages and Literature (FLLD) at National Cheng Kung University (NCKU) in Tainan, Taiwan. The appeal process was a ruse to delay the case indefinitely, against appellate rights.
After I won an appeal in a Ministry of Education (MOE) ruling dated 8 January 2001 (attached), the university defied it for nearly two and a half years. The MOE's warning letters (attached) forced the university to reinstate me in May 2003, but it held punitive hearings against me, as if MOE's ruling had no legal effect. The MOE declared the hearings illegal.
Though NCKU president Kao Chiang defied an MOE ruling, he was approved by the MOE for another three-year term. Emboldened, subsequent NCKU presidents have refused to remedy, or apologize for, human rights violations.
Instead, in March and May of this year, on NCKU's official web page, current president Hwung-Hweng Hwung repeated false accusations against me as facts and whitewashed my illegal dismissal as a "discontinued employment" (http://rdca45b.blogspot.com/ ).
Tainan's prosecutor dismissed my libel complaint against FLLD review members on the basis their defamatory accusations did not circulate outside the university. But all statutes I know state a falsehood is defamatory if one other person reads or hears it. Moreover the accusations insured my dismissal. To add salt to the wound, NCKU used my libel suit to claim, in another dismissal action, I spread rumors about the university.
The student was not punished, on the claim her letter did not cause my dismissal, though it was solicited and circulated for that purpose. Moreover her accusations prejudiced students against me more than ten years later (attached). Now she teaches at NCKU, despite her defamatory letter. The Dean of Student Affairs, who ignored repeated petitions to punish the student, later assumed an advisory role at the MOE.
The court declined to award punitive and compensatory damages, as are routine in other democracies, but simply told NCKU to reinstate me. It's like telling a kidnapper to return the child or a bank robber to return the money, without penalty. To this day no one involved in my illegal dismissal has been punished.
Though a few Chinese-language newspapers published the case, it was as a human interest item, not a human rights report. As if human rights were of no concern here. As if there was no right and wrong side, just two sides—a case of arbitration, not justice. As if Taiwan was a tribal society, not a democratic government.
This seems to have been the view of the courts, which mediated a pragmatic compromise rather than rule on principles of law. They upheld a Ministry ruling but also protected the presumed dignity of Taiwanese against the rights of a foreigner.
Hence the lack of compensatory, punitive, and remedial judgments.
In Taiwan democracy is enjoyed as a franchise, not enforced as a framework of rights. A permissive court is not the same as a just court.
The right to file a lawsuit against government officials is meaningless if judicial rulings deny rights rather than enforce them. In that case, a plaintiff's rights are a smokescreen for injustice.
Accountability and compensation are rights enshrined in international human rights charters endorsed by Taiwan. No Taiwan court should be allowed to nullify those rights.
I know of no democratic court in the world that would make similar rulings in these cases. A university repeatedly defied statutory rulings, yet the court found no liability and awarded no punitive or compensatory damages. Review Committee members were found not liable for circulating defamatory accusations that resulted in my dismissal. A student wrote a defamatory accusation that was solicited and circulated precisely to insure my dismissal yet is not found liable. Yes, an American can file a lawsuit in Taiwan's democracy, but can he win?
Recently I was informed by a Taiwanese colleague that he sued an NCKU student for defamatory remarks on the NCKU bulletin board and was awarded NT$150,000 in damages. Yet I could not win damages from a student whose defamatory letter was solicited and circulated to insure my dismissal. Not only wasn't the student punished but she's now teaching at the university!
Presumably no "foreigner" can win a case of this kind against Taiwanese, especially where the reputation of a so-called high-ranked Taiwan university is at stake. If US courts made similar rulings against Taiwanese perhaps there would be a Taiwan awakening.
Taiwanese are incensed at the mere rumor their taekwondo athlete was discriminated against in South Korea, but they remain silent about my case. Yet their children and colleagues enjoy human rights protections in the United States.
NCKU faculty who enjoyed human rights protections while matriculated in the United States are now completely silent about my case, though I have repeatedly emailed them to speak out on my behalf. "In the end we will remember not the words of our enemies, but the silence of our friends" (Martin Luther King, Jr.).
Though I have repeatedly petitioned the English-language press to expose this case, I've been ignored. They prefer to expose abuses in Mainland China rather than abuses in Taiwan. Writing editorials about the lack of human rights in Mainland China will not advance human rights in Taiwan. (For a documented exchange with an English-language newspaper in Taiwan, see my dedicated case blog at http://rdca45b.blogspot.com/search/label/Censorship%20in%20Taiwan%27s%20English-Language%20Press).
Of more general concern is, if Taiwan's press has ignored my officially documented case, what other human rights issues have they ignored in Taiwan? This bodes ill for Taiwan's own citizens. "Our lives begin to end the day we become silent about things that matter" (Martin Luther King, Jr.).
Taiwan's human rights and legal aid groups have proved useless. If a case of a major university guilty of documented human rights abuses doesn't incite their commitment one wonders what will.
When NCKU students were indicted for illegally sharing files, Taiwan's lawyers promptly volunteered pro bono assistance. But not a single lawyer has volunteered to accept my case on a pro bono basis.
Presumably illegally downloading files is a good ("pro bono") cause while an American professor who is discriminated against by a major Taiwan university is not a good cause. Someone should tell Taiwan's legal profession to get its priorities straight if Taiwan is to be taken seriously by the international community.
In the Middle East, on the streets of Moscow, and in Mainland China citizens stand up for rights at great risk. But in Taiwan educated faculty refuse to challenge an unjust administration at no risk except their relationships with colleagues who, based on their misconduct, are not worth having relationships with.
The censored media in Mainland China find means to expose human rights issues, while the so-called "free press" in Taiwan will not expose my case. Yet those in China risk imprisonment and torture, while those in Taiwan risk nothing. (Cf. http://rdca45b.blogspot.com/search/label/Silence%20of%20the%20Lambs).
Is it a wonder some Americans have become indifferent to Taiwan's democracy when Taiwanese seem indifferent to it?
Sincerely,
Richard de Canio
Formerly, Associate Professor
Department of Foreign Languages and Literature
National Cheng Kung University
Tainan, Taiwan
(886) 06 237 8626
PS: For a more complete understanding of events at National Cheng Kung University, consult my dedicated case blog at http://rdca45b.blogspot.com/
Sunday, December 4, 2011
4 December 2011
Dear NCKU Colleagues,
On March 4, 2011 a so-called "explanation," signed by current NCKU president, Hwung-Hweng Hwung was posted on the official NCKU web page (http://news-en.secr.ncku.edu.tw/files/13-1083-78482-1.php), where my illegal dismissal from the university in 1999 is now called "discontinued employment." By this logic a bank robbery is a quick withdrawal of funds.
The MOE ruling of 8 January 2001 explicitly states "the Appeals Committee's decision violated the law and was wrong" (http://rdca45b.blogspot.com/search/label/Ministry%20of%20Education%20Ruling). Why does Mr. Hwung call it "discontinued employment"?
Perhaps for the reason many ignore the 228 incident: "For several decades, the KMT-ruled government prohibited public discussion of the 228 Massacre and many children grew up without knowing this event had ever occurred" (Wikipedia).
So faculty and students at NCKU teach and matriculate "without knowing" my illegal dismissal "had ever occurred." In Mr. Hwung's sanitized language, I was "declined for employment renewal." Perhaps a foreign hostage is "declined for repatriation."
Mr. Hwung asserts "Legal procedures were carefully observed." Yet the MOE warned that NCKU "has seriously influenced the appellant's rights" (April 6, 2001), made "previous improper procedures" (June 14, 2001), and cautioned NCKU officials "not to repeatedly and deviously interpret the law" (August 17, 2001) (https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiCDpwd8lE2WN5jzfNAvBIP4GTM_j6jC3yuA4Gq2IbLlxGTsQ_9s6MDqEK596XXZLrnI7cADZW_L5Fa-TC5LVbKzkMRjdIsrkpXSmu-6_WTYyShiY91YQ0_pMc860OoEu3GSD8WntXOLdM/s1600/moeLetters10-726356.JPG).
Mr. Hwung concludes his whitewash by saying, "I believe few people are perfect in this society of great variety." I'm not sure what Mr. Hwung means by "this society of great variety," unless he means that some people believe in laws while others do not.
As for his comment that "few people are perfect," the law does not require perfection, but compliance. It's a fact university officials failed to comply with the law. The Ministry ruling says so. If a university president says otherwise he has no business being president.
Mr. Hwung concludes, "With happy mood, we work together to contribute to the society in pursuit of the true, the good, and the beautiful."
In Plato "the true, the good, and the beautiful" refer to justice. In the Republic Socrates evokes a just person who sees "the evil state of man, misbehaving himself in a ridiculous manner" and "tries to make people understand who have never seen real justice" but know only "images of justice" (Book VII).
Mr. Hwung, as president of a university, should seek real justice, not images of justice. He should post an apology, not a whitewash.
Perhaps he failed to read the Ministry ruling: "The university's Appeals Committee did not investigate the faults in the decision made by the university's three-level Review Committees. Moreover, it did not clarify and point out the correct procedures according to laws."
If Mr. Hwung can sustain a "happy mood" in the midst of injustice he should not be president of a university. He should cheer the just execution of laws at his university instead of the donation of a piano by former NCKU president, Michael Ming-Chiao Lai (http://news-en.secr.ncku.edu.tw/files/14-1083-85388,r614-1.php).
Mr. Lai, like other NCKU officials, ignored repeated petitions to resolve my illegal dismissal on just principles of law, including apology, accountability, and compensation. Instead of "the gift of love," why not "the gift of justice"?
As if to prove two wrongs make a right, Mr. Hwung's cohort, Chin-Cheng Chen, the current Secretariat, also signed a post about my illegal dismissal, dated May 4, 2011.
In a game of follow the leader, Mr. Chen refers to my illegal dismissal as my "being declined for employment renewal." He boasts "it was approved . . . as a result of multiple rounds of review," ignoring "the faults in the decision made by the university's three-level Review Committees" (MOE).
Thus "multiple rounds of review" multiplied abuses rather than remedied them. That's not something to boast of in a high-ranked university here.
Moreover, how could my illegal dismissal have "followed the required procedure" by being "in accordance with the Employment Service Law" if the MOE clearly stated that law was not applicable and NCKU "mistakenly claimed 'foreign teachers' hiring relationship ends after the contract period is fulfilled and there is no need to follow the regulations written in Article 14, Item 1 of Teacher's law'" (MOE)?
Mr. Chen's Orwellian Newspeak reaches new lows when he refers to malicious accusations of plagiarism, rejected by the MOE, as a "fact" that I "was involved in plagiarism"! For good measure he adds I was "in violation of Articles 91 and 94 of the Intellectual Property Rights."
In his sleight-of-hand trick, Mr. Chen apparently hopes quoting real laws will dignify false accusations, like accusing one's teetotal neighbor of being "in violation of Articles 55 and 59 of the Public Intoxication Code." The reference to real laws seems to give substance to false accusations.
This is the trick NCKUs "multiple rounds of review" tried. Presumably, if one cites laws and repeats lies long enough they will becloud the truth, a tactic the MOE soundly rejected on the basis NCKU committees "did not clarify and point out the correct procedures according to laws." Citing inapplicable laws does not replace the law in a just society. It might work at NCKU but not at MOE.
As for "the allegation of grading imparity" by my former student, Mr. Chen neglects to mention the letter was solicited by an FLLD chair and secretly circulated at "the multiple rounds of review" Mr. Chen boasts of.
In using the word "allegation" I assume Mr. Chen does not know the word "defamation" or doesn't care to use it. Yet the student had no proof of her "allegation," complained about her grade eight years after her class, did not mention she received three high passes from me the same year, made her claim in secret, was solicited to write her letter by the same committee that had already started an illegal dismissal action against me, was never asked to prove her "allegation" before an independent committee, and is now employed at our university.
Based on official MOE rulings, these two posts are discredited. One of them was signed by a former chair of the Teachers Union, which formally contested my illegal dismissal. Now he claims no illegal dismissal occurred, a case of "When the butt changes, the head changes."
Democracy does not reckon butts or heads, but laws. Both officials who signed these posts should resign to restore credibility to the university.
NCKU faculty are also responsible by their complicity of silence. Other faculties stand up for human rights, why not here?
The lack of deterrent rulings emboldened NCKU officials and discouraged NCKU faculty. If officials are liable, as MOE documents state, why aren't they reprimanded, fined, or dismissed? Why isn't the university compelled to issue an apology and compensation?
Sincerely,
Richard de Canio
formerly, Associate Professor
Department of Foreign Languages and Literature
National Cheng Kung University
Tainan, Taiwan
For those who wish a more extended treatment of these two posts, please consult my dedicated case blog at http://rdca45b.blogspot.com/search/label/Explaining%20an%20%22Explanation%22.
Dear NCKU Colleagues,
On March 4, 2011 a so-called "explanation," signed by current NCKU president, Hwung-Hweng Hwung was posted on the official NCKU web page (http://news-en.secr.ncku.edu.tw/files/13-1083-78482-1.php), where my illegal dismissal from the university in 1999 is now called "discontinued employment." By this logic a bank robbery is a quick withdrawal of funds.
The MOE ruling of 8 January 2001 explicitly states "the Appeals Committee's decision violated the law and was wrong" (http://rdca45b.blogspot.com/search/label/Ministry%20of%20Education%20Ruling). Why does Mr. Hwung call it "discontinued employment"?
Perhaps for the reason many ignore the 228 incident: "For several decades, the KMT-ruled government prohibited public discussion of the 228 Massacre and many children grew up without knowing this event had ever occurred" (Wikipedia).
So faculty and students at NCKU teach and matriculate "without knowing" my illegal dismissal "had ever occurred." In Mr. Hwung's sanitized language, I was "declined for employment renewal." Perhaps a foreign hostage is "declined for repatriation."
Mr. Hwung asserts "Legal procedures were carefully observed." Yet the MOE warned that NCKU "has seriously influenced the appellant's rights" (April 6, 2001), made "previous improper procedures" (June 14, 2001), and cautioned NCKU officials "not to repeatedly and deviously interpret the law" (August 17, 2001) (https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiCDpwd8lE2WN5jzfNAvBIP4GTM_j6jC3yuA4Gq2IbLlxGTsQ_9s6MDqEK596XXZLrnI7cADZW_L5Fa-TC5LVbKzkMRjdIsrkpXSmu-6_WTYyShiY91YQ0_pMc860OoEu3GSD8WntXOLdM/s1600/moeLetters10-726356.JPG).
Mr. Hwung concludes his whitewash by saying, "I believe few people are perfect in this society of great variety." I'm not sure what Mr. Hwung means by "this society of great variety," unless he means that some people believe in laws while others do not.
As for his comment that "few people are perfect," the law does not require perfection, but compliance. It's a fact university officials failed to comply with the law. The Ministry ruling says so. If a university president says otherwise he has no business being president.
Mr. Hwung concludes, "With happy mood, we work together to contribute to the society in pursuit of the true, the good, and the beautiful."
In Plato "the true, the good, and the beautiful" refer to justice. In the Republic Socrates evokes a just person who sees "the evil state of man, misbehaving himself in a ridiculous manner" and "tries to make people understand who have never seen real justice" but know only "images of justice" (Book VII).
Mr. Hwung, as president of a university, should seek real justice, not images of justice. He should post an apology, not a whitewash.
Perhaps he failed to read the Ministry ruling: "The university's Appeals Committee did not investigate the faults in the decision made by the university's three-level Review Committees. Moreover, it did not clarify and point out the correct procedures according to laws."
If Mr. Hwung can sustain a "happy mood" in the midst of injustice he should not be president of a university. He should cheer the just execution of laws at his university instead of the donation of a piano by former NCKU president, Michael Ming-Chiao Lai (http://news-en.secr.ncku.edu.tw/files/14-1083-85388,r614-1.php).
Mr. Lai, like other NCKU officials, ignored repeated petitions to resolve my illegal dismissal on just principles of law, including apology, accountability, and compensation. Instead of "the gift of love," why not "the gift of justice"?
As if to prove two wrongs make a right, Mr. Hwung's cohort, Chin-Cheng Chen, the current Secretariat, also signed a post about my illegal dismissal, dated May 4, 2011.
In a game of follow the leader, Mr. Chen refers to my illegal dismissal as my "being declined for employment renewal." He boasts "it was approved . . . as a result of multiple rounds of review," ignoring "the faults in the decision made by the university's three-level Review Committees" (MOE).
Thus "multiple rounds of review" multiplied abuses rather than remedied them. That's not something to boast of in a high-ranked university here.
Moreover, how could my illegal dismissal have "followed the required procedure" by being "in accordance with the Employment Service Law" if the MOE clearly stated that law was not applicable and NCKU "mistakenly claimed 'foreign teachers' hiring relationship ends after the contract period is fulfilled and there is no need to follow the regulations written in Article 14, Item 1 of Teacher's law'" (MOE)?
Mr. Chen's Orwellian Newspeak reaches new lows when he refers to malicious accusations of plagiarism, rejected by the MOE, as a "fact" that I "was involved in plagiarism"! For good measure he adds I was "in violation of Articles 91 and 94 of the Intellectual Property Rights."
In his sleight-of-hand trick, Mr. Chen apparently hopes quoting real laws will dignify false accusations, like accusing one's teetotal neighbor of being "in violation of Articles 55 and 59 of the Public Intoxication Code." The reference to real laws seems to give substance to false accusations.
This is the trick NCKUs "multiple rounds of review" tried. Presumably, if one cites laws and repeats lies long enough they will becloud the truth, a tactic the MOE soundly rejected on the basis NCKU committees "did not clarify and point out the correct procedures according to laws." Citing inapplicable laws does not replace the law in a just society. It might work at NCKU but not at MOE.
As for "the allegation of grading imparity" by my former student, Mr. Chen neglects to mention the letter was solicited by an FLLD chair and secretly circulated at "the multiple rounds of review" Mr. Chen boasts of.
In using the word "allegation" I assume Mr. Chen does not know the word "defamation" or doesn't care to use it. Yet the student had no proof of her "allegation," complained about her grade eight years after her class, did not mention she received three high passes from me the same year, made her claim in secret, was solicited to write her letter by the same committee that had already started an illegal dismissal action against me, was never asked to prove her "allegation" before an independent committee, and is now employed at our university.
Based on official MOE rulings, these two posts are discredited. One of them was signed by a former chair of the Teachers Union, which formally contested my illegal dismissal. Now he claims no illegal dismissal occurred, a case of "When the butt changes, the head changes."
Democracy does not reckon butts or heads, but laws. Both officials who signed these posts should resign to restore credibility to the university.
NCKU faculty are also responsible by their complicity of silence. Other faculties stand up for human rights, why not here?
The lack of deterrent rulings emboldened NCKU officials and discouraged NCKU faculty. If officials are liable, as MOE documents state, why aren't they reprimanded, fined, or dismissed? Why isn't the university compelled to issue an apology and compensation?
Sincerely,
Richard de Canio
formerly, Associate Professor
Department of Foreign Languages and Literature
National Cheng Kung University
Tainan, Taiwan
For those who wish a more extended treatment of these two posts, please consult my dedicated case blog at http://rdca45b.blogspot.com/search/label/Explaining%20an%20%22Explanation%22.
Friday, December 2, 2011
Human Rights in Taiwan
Letter to Taiwan Today
3 December 2011
Dear Editor,
In June 1999 I was dismissed from the Department of Foreign Languages and Literature (FLLD) at National Cheng Kung University (NCKU) in Tainan, Taiwan. When the Teachers Union warned the dismissal was illegal, a student's defamatory letter was solicited by FLLD's chair and secretly circulated at so-called oversight hearings.
In December 1999 my dismissal was canceled. But this was a ruse, presumably to delay the case to insure my departure. The Appeals Committee ruled, against appellate logic, I should be reviewed again.
After my second appeal, the committee ruled the university didn't need a reason to dismiss a foreigner, so upheld my dismissal. Though I won an appeal in a Ministry of Education (MOE) ruling dated 8 January 2001 (attached), the university defied it for nearly two and a half years, despite MOE's ten warning letters (attached) and two letters from Scholars at Risk, an international human rights group. Instead NCKU contested the ruling in court, claiming foreigners had no right to appeal, though the university held appeal hearings and participated at the MOE appeal!
The court upheld the MOE ruling (October 2002), but NCKU officials threatened to appeal indefinitely unless I resigned. The MOE's warning letters forced the university to reinstate me in May 2003, but it held punitive hearings against me, as if MOE's ruling had no legal effect. The MOE declared the hearings illegal.
This case involves more than a few NCKU officials. Though NCKU president Kao Chiang defied an MOE ruling, he was approved by the MOE for another three-year term. Emboldened, subsequent NCKU presidents have refused to remedy, or apologize for, human rights violations.
Instead, in March and May of this year, on NCKU's official web page, current president Hwung-Hweng Hwung repeated false accusations against me as facts and whitewashed my illegal dismissal as a "discontinued employment." One official contested NCKU's dismissal action when in the Teachers Union but now claims no illegal dismissal occurred. "When the butt changes, the head changes," as the Chinese proverb says.
Though many matriculated or taught at US universities where they enjoyed equal rights under the law, NCKU's faculty remain silent about the case, despite my numerous petitions. Instead, over thirteen years, only three sent private emails, expressing sympathy. "In the end, we will remember not the words of our enemies, but the silence of our friends" (Martin Luther King, Jr.).
Tainan's prosecutor dismissed my libel complaint against FLLD review members on the basis the accusations did not circulate outside the university. But all statutes I know state a falsehood is defamatory if one other person reads or hears it. Moreover the accusations insured my dismissal. To add salt to the wound, NCKU used my libel suit to claim, in a dismissal action, I spread rumors about the university.
The student was not punished, on the claim her letter did not cause my dismissal, though it was circulated for that purpose and her accusations prejudiced students against me more than ten years later (attached). Now she teaches at NCKU, none the worse for her defamatory letter. The Dean of Student Affairs, who ignored my repeated petitions to punish the student, later assumed an advisory role at the MOE.
The court declined to award punitive and compensatory damages, as are routine in other democracies, but simply told NCKU to reinstate me. It's like telling a kidnapper to return the child or a bank robber to return the money, without penalty.
Not a single person involved in my illegal dismissal was called to account for it. A lack of deterrent rulings will compromise democracy, or at least foreigners (hence foreign exchanges) here. Only a vocal protest by the international community will insure change in Taiwan's treatment of foreigners.
What if US courts treated Taiwanese plaintiffs the same way? Vocal protests over the recent taekwondo incident indicate Taiwanese would not be silent as they are in my case.
Though a few Chinese-language newspapers published the case, it was as a human interest item, not a human rights report. As if there was no right and wrong side, just two sides—a case of arbitration, not justice.
This seems to have been the view of the courts, which mediated a compromise rather than rule on principles of law. They had to uphold a Ministry ruling but also had to protect the dignity of Taiwanese against the rights of a foreigner.
Hence the lack of compensatory, punitive, and remedial judgments. A tribal culture relies on arbitration, but a democracy must use principles of law, legitimated in routine court rulings. But in Taiwan, democracy is enjoyed as a franchise, not enforced as a framework of rights.
Though I have repeatedly petitioned the English-language press to expose this case, I've been ignored. They prefer to expose abuses in Mainland China rather than abuses in Taiwan. Writing editorials about the lack of human rights in Mainland China will not advance human rights in Taiwan.
If Taiwan's press has ignored my officially documented case, what other human rights issues have they ignored? This bodes ill for Taiwan's own citizens. "Our lives begin to end the day we become silent about things that matter" (Martin Luther King, Jr.).
Taiwan's human rights groups have proved useless. If a case of a major university guilty of egregious human rights abuses doesn't incite their commitment one wonders what will.
When NCKU students were indicted for illegally sharing files, Taiwan's lawyers promptly volunteered pro bono assistance. But not a single lawyer has volunteered to accept my case on a pro bono basis.
Presumably illegally downloading files is a good ("pro bono") cause while an American professor who is discriminated against by a major Taiwan university is not a good cause. Someone should tell Taiwan's legal profession to get its priorities straight if Taiwan is to be taken seriously by the international community.
A slogan of the US Counterculture movement in the 1960s was, "Democracy is not something you have, it's something you do." Taiwanese must learn to do democracy every day, in issues small and great, whether it's a crosswalk for schoolchildren or human rights at a university.
In the Middle East and in Mainland China citizens stand up for rights at great risk. But in Taiwan educated faculty refuse to challenge an unjust administration.
The censored media in Mainland China find means to expose human rights issues, while the so-called "free press" in Taiwan will not expose my case. Yet those in China risk imprisonment and torture, while those in Taiwan risk nothing. (Cf. http://rdca45b.blogspot.com/search/label/Silence%20of%20the%20Lambs).
Taiwan tends to inculturate Western values, fitting them to its own ways. Despite democratic principles of law, relationships decide if those principles are enforced.
The case at NCKU is a case in point. Under the circumstances, is it a wonder some Americans have become indifferent to Taiwan's democracy?
Sincerely,
Richard de Canio
Formerly, Associate Professor
Department of Foreign Languages and Literature
National Cheng Kung University
Tainan, Taiwan
(886) 06 237 8626
3 December 2011
Dear Editor,
In June 1999 I was dismissed from the Department of Foreign Languages and Literature (FLLD) at National Cheng Kung University (NCKU) in Tainan, Taiwan. When the Teachers Union warned the dismissal was illegal, a student's defamatory letter was solicited by FLLD's chair and secretly circulated at so-called oversight hearings.
In December 1999 my dismissal was canceled. But this was a ruse, presumably to delay the case to insure my departure. The Appeals Committee ruled, against appellate logic, I should be reviewed again.
After my second appeal, the committee ruled the university didn't need a reason to dismiss a foreigner, so upheld my dismissal. Though I won an appeal in a Ministry of Education (MOE) ruling dated 8 January 2001 (attached), the university defied it for nearly two and a half years, despite MOE's ten warning letters (attached) and two letters from Scholars at Risk, an international human rights group. Instead NCKU contested the ruling in court, claiming foreigners had no right to appeal, though the university held appeal hearings and participated at the MOE appeal!
The court upheld the MOE ruling (October 2002), but NCKU officials threatened to appeal indefinitely unless I resigned. The MOE's warning letters forced the university to reinstate me in May 2003, but it held punitive hearings against me, as if MOE's ruling had no legal effect. The MOE declared the hearings illegal.
This case involves more than a few NCKU officials. Though NCKU president Kao Chiang defied an MOE ruling, he was approved by the MOE for another three-year term. Emboldened, subsequent NCKU presidents have refused to remedy, or apologize for, human rights violations.
Instead, in March and May of this year, on NCKU's official web page, current president Hwung-Hweng Hwung repeated false accusations against me as facts and whitewashed my illegal dismissal as a "discontinued employment." One official contested NCKU's dismissal action when in the Teachers Union but now claims no illegal dismissal occurred. "When the butt changes, the head changes," as the Chinese proverb says.
Though many matriculated or taught at US universities where they enjoyed equal rights under the law, NCKU's faculty remain silent about the case, despite my numerous petitions. Instead, over thirteen years, only three sent private emails, expressing sympathy. "In the end, we will remember not the words of our enemies, but the silence of our friends" (Martin Luther King, Jr.).
Tainan's prosecutor dismissed my libel complaint against FLLD review members on the basis the accusations did not circulate outside the university. But all statutes I know state a falsehood is defamatory if one other person reads or hears it. Moreover the accusations insured my dismissal. To add salt to the wound, NCKU used my libel suit to claim, in a dismissal action, I spread rumors about the university.
The student was not punished, on the claim her letter did not cause my dismissal, though it was circulated for that purpose and her accusations prejudiced students against me more than ten years later (attached). Now she teaches at NCKU, none the worse for her defamatory letter. The Dean of Student Affairs, who ignored my repeated petitions to punish the student, later assumed an advisory role at the MOE.
The court declined to award punitive and compensatory damages, as are routine in other democracies, but simply told NCKU to reinstate me. It's like telling a kidnapper to return the child or a bank robber to return the money, without penalty.
Not a single person involved in my illegal dismissal was called to account for it. A lack of deterrent rulings will compromise democracy, or at least foreigners (hence foreign exchanges) here. Only a vocal protest by the international community will insure change in Taiwan's treatment of foreigners.
What if US courts treated Taiwanese plaintiffs the same way? Vocal protests over the recent taekwondo incident indicate Taiwanese would not be silent as they are in my case.
Though a few Chinese-language newspapers published the case, it was as a human interest item, not a human rights report. As if there was no right and wrong side, just two sides—a case of arbitration, not justice.
This seems to have been the view of the courts, which mediated a compromise rather than rule on principles of law. They had to uphold a Ministry ruling but also had to protect the dignity of Taiwanese against the rights of a foreigner.
Hence the lack of compensatory, punitive, and remedial judgments. A tribal culture relies on arbitration, but a democracy must use principles of law, legitimated in routine court rulings. But in Taiwan, democracy is enjoyed as a franchise, not enforced as a framework of rights.
Though I have repeatedly petitioned the English-language press to expose this case, I've been ignored. They prefer to expose abuses in Mainland China rather than abuses in Taiwan. Writing editorials about the lack of human rights in Mainland China will not advance human rights in Taiwan.
If Taiwan's press has ignored my officially documented case, what other human rights issues have they ignored? This bodes ill for Taiwan's own citizens. "Our lives begin to end the day we become silent about things that matter" (Martin Luther King, Jr.).
Taiwan's human rights groups have proved useless. If a case of a major university guilty of egregious human rights abuses doesn't incite their commitment one wonders what will.
When NCKU students were indicted for illegally sharing files, Taiwan's lawyers promptly volunteered pro bono assistance. But not a single lawyer has volunteered to accept my case on a pro bono basis.
Presumably illegally downloading files is a good ("pro bono") cause while an American professor who is discriminated against by a major Taiwan university is not a good cause. Someone should tell Taiwan's legal profession to get its priorities straight if Taiwan is to be taken seriously by the international community.
A slogan of the US Counterculture movement in the 1960s was, "Democracy is not something you have, it's something you do." Taiwanese must learn to do democracy every day, in issues small and great, whether it's a crosswalk for schoolchildren or human rights at a university.
In the Middle East and in Mainland China citizens stand up for rights at great risk. But in Taiwan educated faculty refuse to challenge an unjust administration.
The censored media in Mainland China find means to expose human rights issues, while the so-called "free press" in Taiwan will not expose my case. Yet those in China risk imprisonment and torture, while those in Taiwan risk nothing. (Cf. http://rdca45b.blogspot.com/search/label/Silence%20of%20the%20Lambs).
Taiwan tends to inculturate Western values, fitting them to its own ways. Despite democratic principles of law, relationships decide if those principles are enforced.
The case at NCKU is a case in point. Under the circumstances, is it a wonder some Americans have become indifferent to Taiwan's democracy?
Sincerely,
Richard de Canio
Formerly, Associate Professor
Department of Foreign Languages and Literature
National Cheng Kung University
Tainan, Taiwan
(886) 06 237 8626
Thursday, December 1, 2011
Human Rights in Taiwan
Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development (FORUM-ASIA)
2 December 2011
Dear Forum-Asia,
In June 1999 I was dismissed from the Department of Foreign Languages and Literature (FLLD) at National Cheng Kung University (NCKU) in Tainan, Taiwan. When the Teachers Union warned the dismissal was illegal, a student's defamatory letter was solicited by FLLD's chair and secretly circulated at so-called oversight hearings.
In December 1999 my dismissal was canceled. But this was a ruse, presumably to delay the case to insure my departure. The Appeals Committee ruled, against appellate logic, I should be reviewed again.
After my second appeal, the committee ruled the university didn't need a reason to dismiss a foreigner, so upheld my dismissal. Though I won an appeal in a Ministry of Education (MOE) ruling dated 8 January 2001 (attached), the university defied it for nearly two and a half years, despite MOE's ten warning letters (attached) and two letters from Scholars at Risk, an international human rights group. Instead NCKU contested the ruling in court, claiming foreigners had no right to appeal, though the university held appeal hearings and participated at the MOE appeal!
The court upheld the MOE ruling (October 2002), but NCKU officials threatened to appeal indefinitely unless I resigned. The MOE's warning letters forced the university to reinstate me in May 2003, but it held punitive hearings against me, as if MOE's ruling had no legal effect. The MOE declared the hearings illegal.
This case involves more than a few NCKU officials. Though NCKU president Kao Chiang defied an MOE ruling, he was approved by the MOE for another three-year term. Emboldened, subsequent NCKU presidents have refused to remedy, or apologize for, human rights violations.
Instead, in March and May of this year, on NCKU's official web page, current president Hwung-Hweng Hwung and Secretary-General Chen C. C. Chen, repeated false accusations against me as facts and whitewashed my illegal dismissal as a "discontinued employment" (attached). One of them contested NCKU's dismissal action when in the Teachers Union but now claims no illegal dismissal occurred. "When the butt changes, the head changes," as the Chinese proverb says.
Though many matriculated or taught at US universities where they enjoyed equal rights under the law, NCKU's faculty remain silent about the case, despite my numerous petitions. Instead, over thirteen years, only three sent private emails, expressing sympathy. "In the end, we will remember not the words of our enemies, but the silence of our friends" (Martin Luther King, Jr.).
Tainan's prosecutor dismissed my libel complaint against FLLD review members on the basis the false accusations did not circulate outside the university. But all statutes I know state a falsehood is defamatory if one other person reads or hears it. To add salt to the wound, NCKU used my libel suit to claim, in a dismissal action, I spread rumors about the university.
The student was not punished, on the claim her letter did not cause my dismissal, though it was circulated for that purpose. Now she teaches at NCKU, none the worse for her defamatory letter. The Dean of Student Affairs, who ignored my repeated petitions to punish the student, later assumed an advisory role at the MOE.
The court declined to award punitive and compensatory damages, as are routine in other democracies, but simply told NCKU to reinstate me. It's like telling a kidnapper to return the child or a bank robber to return the money, without penalty.
Not a single person involved in my illegal dismissal was called to account for it. A lack of deterrent rulings will compromise democracy, or at least foreigners, hence foreign exchanges, here. Only a vocal protest by American citizens and officials will insure change in Taiwan's treatment of foreigners.
What if US courts treated Taiwanese plaintiffs the same way? Vocal protests over the recent taekwondo incident indicate Taiwanese would not be silent as they are in my case.
Though a few Chinese-language newspapers published the case, it was as a human interest item, not a human rights report. As if there was no right and wrong side, just two sides; an issue of arbitration rather than justice.
This seems to have been the view of the courts, which mediated a compromise rather than rule on principles of law. They had to uphold a Ministry ruling but also had to protect the dignity of Taiwanese against the rights of a foreigner.
Hence the lack of compensatory, punitive, and remedial judgments. A tribal society can survive by means of arbitration, but a democracy can endure only on principles of law, legitimated in routine court rulings.
Though I have repeatedly petitioned the English-language press to expose this case, I've been ignored. They prefer to expose abuses in Mainland China rather than abuses in Taiwan. Writing editorials about the lack of human rights in Mainland China will not advance human rights in Taiwan.
But if Taiwan's press has ignored my officially documented case, what other human rights issues have been ignored? This bodes ill for Taiwan's own citizens. For "Our lives begin to end the day we become silent about things that matter" (Martin Luther King, Jr.).
Taiwan's human rights groups have proved useless. If a case of a major university guilty of egregious human rights abuses doesn't incite their commitment one wonders what will.
When NCKU students were indicted for illegally sharing files, Taiwan's lawyers promptly volunteered pro bono assistance. But not a single lawyer has volunteered to accept my case on a pro bono basis.
Presumably illegally downloading files is a good ("pro bono") cause while an American professor who is discriminated against by a major Taiwan university is not a good cause. Someone should tell Taiwan's legal profession to get its priorities straight if Taiwan is to be taken seriously by the international community.
A slogan of the US Counterculture movement in the 1960s was, "Democracy is not something you have, it's something you do." Taiwanese must learn that democracy has to be done every single day, in issues small and great, whether it's a crosswalk for schoolchildren or human rights at a university.
In the Middle East and in Mainland China citizens stand up for rights at great risk, while in Taiwan educated faculty refuse to challenge an unjust administration. The censored media in Mainland China find means to expose human rights issues, while the so-called "free press" in Taiwan will not expose my case. Yet those in China risk imprisonment and torture, while those in Taiwan risk nothing. (Cf. http://rdca45b.blogspot.com/search/label/Silence%20of%20the%20Lambs).
Taiwan tends to espouse Western values by inculturation, rather than acculturation. Regardless of democratic principles of law, relationships determine if those principles are enforced. The case at NCKU is a case in point. Under the circumstances, is it a wonder some Americans have become indifferent to Taiwan's democracy?
Sincerely,
Richard de Canio
Formerly, Associate Professor
Department of Foreign Languages and Literature
National Cheng Kung University
Tainan, Taiwan
(886) (06) 237-8626
2 December 2011
Dear Forum-Asia,
In June 1999 I was dismissed from the Department of Foreign Languages and Literature (FLLD) at National Cheng Kung University (NCKU) in Tainan, Taiwan. When the Teachers Union warned the dismissal was illegal, a student's defamatory letter was solicited by FLLD's chair and secretly circulated at so-called oversight hearings.
In December 1999 my dismissal was canceled. But this was a ruse, presumably to delay the case to insure my departure. The Appeals Committee ruled, against appellate logic, I should be reviewed again.
After my second appeal, the committee ruled the university didn't need a reason to dismiss a foreigner, so upheld my dismissal. Though I won an appeal in a Ministry of Education (MOE) ruling dated 8 January 2001 (attached), the university defied it for nearly two and a half years, despite MOE's ten warning letters (attached) and two letters from Scholars at Risk, an international human rights group. Instead NCKU contested the ruling in court, claiming foreigners had no right to appeal, though the university held appeal hearings and participated at the MOE appeal!
The court upheld the MOE ruling (October 2002), but NCKU officials threatened to appeal indefinitely unless I resigned. The MOE's warning letters forced the university to reinstate me in May 2003, but it held punitive hearings against me, as if MOE's ruling had no legal effect. The MOE declared the hearings illegal.
This case involves more than a few NCKU officials. Though NCKU president Kao Chiang defied an MOE ruling, he was approved by the MOE for another three-year term. Emboldened, subsequent NCKU presidents have refused to remedy, or apologize for, human rights violations.
Instead, in March and May of this year, on NCKU's official web page, current president Hwung-Hweng Hwung and Secretary-General Chen C. C. Chen, repeated false accusations against me as facts and whitewashed my illegal dismissal as a "discontinued employment" (attached). One of them contested NCKU's dismissal action when in the Teachers Union but now claims no illegal dismissal occurred. "When the butt changes, the head changes," as the Chinese proverb says.
Though many matriculated or taught at US universities where they enjoyed equal rights under the law, NCKU's faculty remain silent about the case, despite my numerous petitions. Instead, over thirteen years, only three sent private emails, expressing sympathy. "In the end, we will remember not the words of our enemies, but the silence of our friends" (Martin Luther King, Jr.).
Tainan's prosecutor dismissed my libel complaint against FLLD review members on the basis the false accusations did not circulate outside the university. But all statutes I know state a falsehood is defamatory if one other person reads or hears it. To add salt to the wound, NCKU used my libel suit to claim, in a dismissal action, I spread rumors about the university.
The student was not punished, on the claim her letter did not cause my dismissal, though it was circulated for that purpose. Now she teaches at NCKU, none the worse for her defamatory letter. The Dean of Student Affairs, who ignored my repeated petitions to punish the student, later assumed an advisory role at the MOE.
The court declined to award punitive and compensatory damages, as are routine in other democracies, but simply told NCKU to reinstate me. It's like telling a kidnapper to return the child or a bank robber to return the money, without penalty.
Not a single person involved in my illegal dismissal was called to account for it. A lack of deterrent rulings will compromise democracy, or at least foreigners, hence foreign exchanges, here. Only a vocal protest by American citizens and officials will insure change in Taiwan's treatment of foreigners.
What if US courts treated Taiwanese plaintiffs the same way? Vocal protests over the recent taekwondo incident indicate Taiwanese would not be silent as they are in my case.
Though a few Chinese-language newspapers published the case, it was as a human interest item, not a human rights report. As if there was no right and wrong side, just two sides; an issue of arbitration rather than justice.
This seems to have been the view of the courts, which mediated a compromise rather than rule on principles of law. They had to uphold a Ministry ruling but also had to protect the dignity of Taiwanese against the rights of a foreigner.
Hence the lack of compensatory, punitive, and remedial judgments. A tribal society can survive by means of arbitration, but a democracy can endure only on principles of law, legitimated in routine court rulings.
Though I have repeatedly petitioned the English-language press to expose this case, I've been ignored. They prefer to expose abuses in Mainland China rather than abuses in Taiwan. Writing editorials about the lack of human rights in Mainland China will not advance human rights in Taiwan.
But if Taiwan's press has ignored my officially documented case, what other human rights issues have been ignored? This bodes ill for Taiwan's own citizens. For "Our lives begin to end the day we become silent about things that matter" (Martin Luther King, Jr.).
Taiwan's human rights groups have proved useless. If a case of a major university guilty of egregious human rights abuses doesn't incite their commitment one wonders what will.
When NCKU students were indicted for illegally sharing files, Taiwan's lawyers promptly volunteered pro bono assistance. But not a single lawyer has volunteered to accept my case on a pro bono basis.
Presumably illegally downloading files is a good ("pro bono") cause while an American professor who is discriminated against by a major Taiwan university is not a good cause. Someone should tell Taiwan's legal profession to get its priorities straight if Taiwan is to be taken seriously by the international community.
A slogan of the US Counterculture movement in the 1960s was, "Democracy is not something you have, it's something you do." Taiwanese must learn that democracy has to be done every single day, in issues small and great, whether it's a crosswalk for schoolchildren or human rights at a university.
In the Middle East and in Mainland China citizens stand up for rights at great risk, while in Taiwan educated faculty refuse to challenge an unjust administration. The censored media in Mainland China find means to expose human rights issues, while the so-called "free press" in Taiwan will not expose my case. Yet those in China risk imprisonment and torture, while those in Taiwan risk nothing. (Cf. http://rdca45b.blogspot.com/search/label/Silence%20of%20the%20Lambs).
Taiwan tends to espouse Western values by inculturation, rather than acculturation. Regardless of democratic principles of law, relationships determine if those principles are enforced. The case at NCKU is a case in point. Under the circumstances, is it a wonder some Americans have become indifferent to Taiwan's democracy?
Sincerely,
Richard de Canio
Formerly, Associate Professor
Department of Foreign Languages and Literature
National Cheng Kung University
Tainan, Taiwan
(886) (06) 237-8626
Subscribe to:
Posts (Atom)